Lokale Organisatoren & Organisatorinnen

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2 Lokale Organisatoren & Organisatorinnen Leitung Heike Wiese, Malte Zimmermann Organisatoren/Organisatorinnen (alphabetisch) Flavia Adani, Maria Balbach, Frauke Berger, Jutta Boethke, Juliane Burmester, Ulrike Demske, Ralf Ditsch, Nikos Engonopoulos, Gisbert Fanselow, Kathleen Freymann, Konstantina Garoufi, Susanne Genzel, Nicole Gotzner, Stella Gryllia, Barbara Höhle, Anja Kleemann-Krämer, Claudius Klose, Alexander Koller, Frank Kügler, Jane Kühn, Anke Lüdeling, Katharina Mayr, Hans G. Müller, Arne Neumann, Ines Rehbein, Agata Renans, Antje Sauermann, Sören Schalowski, Anna Theresa Schmidt, Christoph Schroeder, Ulyana Senyuk, Radek Šimík, Bernadett Smolibocki, Katharina Spalek, Manfred Stede, Maja Stegenwallner-Schütz, Thuan Tran, Luis Vicente, Isabell Wartenburger, Marta Wierzba, Amir Zeldes, Sabine Zerbian, Anne Zimmer- Stahl, Florian Zipser Studentische Assistenten/Assistentinnen (alphabetisch) Monique Brzezinki, Tobias Busch, Burak Dalkilic, Joseph De Veaugh-Geiss, Verena Ehrenberg, Constanze Fleczoreck, Anne Fritsch, Lydia Gornitzka, Andre Herzog, Carolin Jäckel, Helena Jank, Elena Karvovskaya, Johannes Koch, Stella Krüger, Franziska Machens, Sara Mamprin, Constanze Otto, Marianna Patak, Simone Pfeil, Sarah Pötzl, Nadja Reinhold, Elina Rubertus, Eva-Maria Saur, Rike Schlüter, Svenja Schuermann, Anne Schumacher, Emil Visser i

3 Die Organisatorinnen und Organisatoren bedanken sich herzlich bei den folgenden Sponsoren: ii

4 Grußwort des Präsidenten der Universität Potsdam Sehr geehrte Damen und Herren, herzlich willkommen zur 35. Jahrestagung der Deutschen Gesellschaft für Sprachwissenschaft an der Universität Potsdam! Wir freuen uns, im Jahr 2013 Gastgeber der größten linguistischen Fachtagung Deutschlands zu sein. Eine Besonderheit der Potsdamer Linguistik stellt der Sonderforschungsbereich 632 Informationsstruktur: Die sprachlichen Mittel der Gliederung von Äußerung, Satz und Text dar, dessen Potsdamer Teilprojekte aus dem Department für Linguistik und dem Institut für Germanistik gemeinsam die diesjährige Tagung der Deutschen Gesellschaft für Sprachwissenschaft ausrichten. Der Sonderforschungsbereich (SFB), 2003 unter Beteiligung der Humboldt-Universität zu Berlin eingerichtet und nun auch unter Beteiligung der Freien Universität Berlin in der letzten Förderperiode, ist derzeit der einzige SFB im Land Brandenburg. Getragen von Instituten der Humanwissenschaftlichen und der Philosophischen Fakultät ist der SFB ein hervorragendes Beispiel für eine fruchtbare fakultätsübergreifende Zusammenarbeit. Besonders erfreulich sind außerdem der hohe Frauenanteil sowie der Anteil an beteiligten Nachwuchswissenschaftlerinnen und Nachwuchswissenschaftlern. Das Department für Linguistik feiert dieses Jahr sein 20-jähriges Bestehen. Aufgrund der kognitionswissenschaftlichen Ausrichtung der Linguistik an der Universität Potsdam ist das Department für Linguistik seit seiner Gründung im Jahr 1993 an der Humanwissenschaftlichen Fakultät angesiedelt, welche sich mit ihrem Exzellenzbereich Kognitionswissenschaften durch ein iii

5 Grußwort des Präsidenten der Universität Potsdam breites Angebot interdisziplinärer Studiengänge und Promotionsprogramme auszeichnet. Mit 10 Professuren zählt das Department zu den größten Linguistik-Instituten Deutschlands und deckt ein breites Spektrum von sprachwissenschaftlichen Ansätzen in Lehre und Forschung ab: von Grammatiktheorie über Psycho- und Neurolinguistik zu Computerlinguistik sowohl von einem angewandten als auch von einem theoretischen Standpunkt aus. Die Professuren in den Einzelphilologien der Philosophischen Fakultät (Germanistik, Romanistik, Anglistik, Slawistik) mit ihren vielfältigen Forschungsansätzen und -schwerpunkten unterstreichen den hohen Stellenwert der Linguistik an der Universität Potsdam nachdrücklich. In der Philosophischen Fakultät ist seit 2009 das Zentrum Sprache, Variation und Migration angesiedelt, das einen Schwerpunkt am Germanistischen Institut hat. Das Zentrum untersucht Sprache und Sprachvariation im Kontext von Migration, ein Thema von zentraler Bedeutung in modernen (Bildungs-)Gesellschaften. Es verbindet drittmittelstarke Forschungsschwerpunkte an der Universität und bietet ein in der Region einzigartiges Betreuungsprogramm für den wissenschaftlichen Nachwuchs an. In einem bundesweiten Zusammenschluss Sprache, Variation und Migration wird die Vernetzung mit thematisch verwandten Forschungsverbünden in Deutschland gefördert. Ein prominentes Mitglied dieses Netzwerks ist das im Oktober 2011 gegründete neue Forschungszentrum für Mehrsprachigkeit (Potsdam Research Institute for Multilingualism, PRIM), das als erstes deutsches Forschungsinstitut psycholinguistische und neurokognitive Untersuchungstechniken anwendet, um Abbildung und Abläufe mehrerer Sprachen im menschlichen Gehirn nachzuweisen. Leiter des PRIM ist Prof. Harald Clahsen, der mit der Alexander von Humboldt Professur, dem höchsten Preis für internationale Forschung in Deutschland, ausgezeichnet wurde. Es handelt es sich hierbei um die erste Alexander von Humboldt Professur in den neuen Bundesländern. Die Universität Potsdam dehnt sich mit dem Neuen Palais im Park Sanssouci, mit dem Berlin nahen Griebnitzsee und mit dem Campus Golm über drei Standorte aus. In Golm ist in den vergangenen Jahren der größte Wissenschaftspark der Region entstanden, dort haben sich neben der Humanwissenschaftlichen und der Mathematisch-Naturwissenschaftlichen Fakultät der Universität Potsdam zahlreiche außeruniversitäre Forschungseinrichtungen angesiedelt. Sie sind herzlich eingeladen, sich während Ihrer Tagung in Golm, aber auch an den anderen Standorten der Universität Potsdam umzuiv

6 Grußwort des Präsidenten der Universität Potsdam sehen und uns bald wieder zu besuchen. Ich wünsche Ihnen eine interessante und erkenntnisreiche Tagung und einen schönen Aufenthalt in Potsdam! Prof. Oliver Günther, PhD. v

7 Inhaltsverzeichnis vi

8 Inhaltsverzeichnis Grußwort des Präsidenten der Universität Potsdam iii Informationen Informationen zur Tagung Anreise Lageplan und Raumverteilung Essen und trinken ix x xv xvii xix Programmübersicht und AG-Programme 1 Programmübersicht 2 AG-Programme 5 Arbeitsgruppen und Abstracts 29 Plenarvorträge 30 Arbeitsgruppe 1 Prosody and Information Status in Typological Perspective 35 Arbeitsgruppe 2 Information Structural Evidence in the Race for Salience 61 Arbeitsgruppe 3 NP Syntax and Information Structure 85 vii

9 Inhaltsverzeichnis Arbeitsgruppe 4 Parentheses & Ellipsis: Crosslinguistic & Theoretical Perspectives 111 Arbeitsgruppe 5 The Syntax and Semantics of Pseudoincorporation 137 Arbeitsgruppe 6 Interaction of Syntactic Primitives 161 Arbeitsgruppe 7 Usage-Based Approaches to Morphology 185 Arbeitsgruppe 8 Linguistic Foundations of Narration in Spoken and Sign Languages 205 Arbeitsgruppe 9 Specific Conditions in Language Acquisition 225 Arbeitsgruppe 10 Modellierung Nicht-Standardisierter Schriftlichkeit 257 Arbeitsgruppe 11 Interface Issues of Gestures and Verbal Semantics and Pragmatics 281 Arbeitsgruppe 12 Perspectives on Argument Alternations 299 Arbeitsgruppe 13 Aspekte der Informationsstruktur für die Schule 315 Arbeitsgruppe 14 Workshop on the Visualization of Linguistic Patterns 327 Postersession der Sektion Computerlinguistik 345 Tutorium der Sektion Computerlinguistik 377 Lehrerinformationstag 379 Index 381 Stundenpläne der Arbeitsgruppensitzungen 387 viii

10 Informationen

11 Informationen zur Tagung Tagung Veranstalter Homepage Kontakt Anmeldung 35. Jahrestagung der Deutschen Gesellschaft für Sprachwissenschaft Informationsstruktur Universität Potsdam Prof. Dr. Heike Wiese Institut für Germanistik/SFB 632 Universität Potsdam Am Neuen Palais Potsdam Prof. Dr. Malte Zimmermann Department Linguistik/SFB 632 Universität Potsdam Karl-Liebknecht-Str Potsdam https://dgfs.hostingkunde.de/jtanmeldung/index.php Tagungsgebühren Zahlungseingang bis DGfS-Mitglieder mit Einkommen DGfS-Mitglieder ohne Einkommen Nicht-Mitglieder mit Einkommen x

12 Informationen zur Tagung Nicht-Mitglieder ohne Einkommen Zahlungseingang ab DGfS-Mitglieder mit Einkommen DGfS-Mitglieder ohne Einkommen Nicht-Mitglieder mit Einkommen Nicht-Mitglieder ohne Einkommen Teilnahme am Buffet Bankverbindung Kontoinhaber UP Transfer GmbH Kontonummer Bankleitzahl Mittelbrandenburgische Sparkasse IBAN DE BIC/SWIFT WEL ADE D1P MB Verwendungszweck 1 Name Verwendungszweck 2 DGfS-Tagung 2013 Hotelreservierung Wir haben in ausgewählten Hotels in Potsdam Zimmerkontingente (teilweise mit Vergünstigungen) reserviert. Geben Sie dafür bei der Buchung das Passwort DGfS Tagung 2013 an. Beachten Sie bitte, dass die Kontingente höchstens bis Ende Januar 2013 geblockt sind. Eine Liste der ausgewählten Hotels mit weiterführenden Informationen finden Sie hier: xi

13 Informationen zur Tagung Taxi +49 (0) Kinderbetreuung In Zusammenarbeit mit dem Studentenwerk der Universität Potsdam bieten wir für die Zeit der 35. Jahrestagung der Deutschen Gesellschaft für Sprachwissenschaft (Dienstag bis Freitag) eine Kinderbetreuung für Kinder der KonferenzteilnehmerInnen an. Die Registrierung muss bis zum 25. Februar erfolgen. Bitte senden Sie eine an Jane Kühn und teilen Sie mit, wann das Kind betreut werden soll, sowie Alter und Sprache (Deutsch/Englisch) des Kindes, das Sie anmelden möchten. Verbesserungsvorschläge sind herzlich willkommen! Erste Hilfe Barrierefreiheit Haus 6, Raum S13 (Tagungsbüro) Die Räumlichkeiten der Konferenz sind barrierefrei xii

14 Anreise Anreise nach Potsdam Potsdam liegt im Südwesten der Metropolregion Berlin/Brandenburg. Für die meisten der Teilnehmenden empfiehlt sich deshalb eine Anreise nach Berlin. Von dort ist Potsdam mit öffentlichem Nahverkehr zu erreichen. Berlin hat zwei Flughäfen: Tegel (TXL) für große Airlines und Schönefeld (SXF) für kostengünstige Airlines. Die gemeinsame Website beider Flughäfen lautet berlin-airport.de. Alternativ verbindet der Hauptbahnhof Berlin mit vielen Städten in Deutschland und dem benachbarten Ausland. Beide Flughäfen und der Hauptbahnhof sind durch zahlreiche U- und S-Bahnlinien sowie Busse angebunden. Für nähere Informationen zu öffentlichem Nahverkehr siehe unten. Die offizielle Website der Taxizentrale in Berlin/Brandenburg ist taxiverband-berlin.de. Der Tarif beträgt 3,20 plus 1,65 für die ersten 7 Kilometer und 1,28 für alle weiteren Kilometer. Anreise zum Tagungsort Der Campus Griebnitzsee ist sowohl von Berlin als auch von Potsdam aus erreichbar. Die Verbindungsmöglichkeiten sind nachfolgend aufgeführt. Von Potsdam: xiii Bus 694 Richtung Stern-Center/Gerlachtstraße: Alle 20 min ab Potsdam Hbf Zug RB22 Richtung Griebnitzsee: Alle 30 min ab Potsdam Hbf, Gleis 4 S7 Richtung Ahrensfelde: Alle 10 Minuten von Potsdam Hbf, Gleis 6 & 7

15 Anreise Von Berlin: S7 Richtung Potsdam Hbf. Alle 10 min von verschiedenen Bahnhöfen in Berlin, u.a Alexanderplatz, Friedrichstraße, Hauptbahnhof, Zoologischer Garten, und Charlottenburg. Öffentlicher Nahverkehr in Berlin und Potsdam. Sowohl Berlin als auch Potsdam verfügen über ein dichtes Netz von Nahverkehrsverbindungen. Wir empfehlen die Website zur Reiseplanung. Smartphonebenutzer können einen Routenplaner unter mobil.bvg erreichen. Alternativ gibt es die Gratis-Apps FahrInfo Berlin (iphone) oder Öffi (Android) zum Download. Berlin und Potsdam haben beide mehrere Tarifzonen, die sich teilweise überlappen. Der Ort der Tagung, Griebnitzsee, liegt in der Zone C des Berliner Nahverkehrs und in der Zone B in Potsdam. Weder der Berliner noch der Potsdamer Nahverkehr bieten Tickets für einzelne Tarifzonen an, deshalb ist für die Fahrt von Potsdam ein AB-Ticket, für die Fahrt von Berlin ein ABCoder ein BC-Ticket nötig. Die Preise einiger Tickets sind nachfolgend aufgeführt. Berlin BC ABC Kurzstrecke 1,40 Einzelfahrt 2,70 3,00 Tageskarte 6,60 6,80 7-Tageskarte 27,20 28,00 Potsdam AB Kurzstrecke 1,30 Einzelfahrt 1,80 Tageskarte 3,90 7-Tageskarte 11,90 Eine Kurzstrecke berechtigt zur Fahrt für drei S- oder U-Bahnstationen bzw. bis zu sechs Bus/Tramstationen. Einzelfahrscheine sind 60 Minuten (Potsdam)/ zwei Stunden (Berlin) gültig und erlauben beliebiges Umsteigen innerhalb des jeweiligen Nahverkehrsnetztes. Das Tages- und 7-Tages-Ticket erlauben unbeschränkte Nutzung während der Gültigkeitsdauer. xiv

16 Lageplan und Raumverteilung Die Tagung findet am Campus Griebnitzsee der Universiät Potsdam statt, direkt am gleichnamigen S Bahnhof gelegen. Alle Workshops finden in Haus 6 statt (siehe Karte). Die Raumaufteilung ist die folgende: Arbeitsgruppen AG1 Prosody and Information Status in Typological Raum S12 Perspective AG2 Information structural evidence in the race for salience Raum S14 AG3 NP syntax and information structure Raum S15 AG4 Parentheses and ellipsis: Crosslinguistic and Raum S16 theoretical perspectives AG5 The syntax and semantics of pseudoincorporation Raum S17 AG6 Interaction of syntactic primitives Raum S18 AG7 Usage-based approaches to morphology Raum S27 AG8 Linguistic foundations of narration in spoken and Raum S21 sign languages AG9 Specific conditions in language acquisition Raum S22 AG10 Modellierung nicht-standardisierter Schriftlichkeit Raum S23 AG11 Interface issues of gestures and verbal semantics Raum S24 and pragmatics AG12 Perspectives on argument alternations Raum S24 AG13 Aspekte der Informationsstruktur für die Schule Raum S25 AG14 Workshop on the visualization of linguistic patterns Raum S25 xv

17 Lageplan Sonstiges Koffer Raum H02 Tagungsbüro Raum S13 Plenarvorträge Räume H03/H04 Pressekonferenz Raum S26 Lehrerinformationstag Räume S15 S19 V & B Sitzung Raum S21 Postersession CL Raum S 19 Doktorandenforum Raum S22 DGfS-Mitgliederversammlung/ Vorstandswahl Räume H03/H04 Cl-Mitgliederversammlung Raum S26 Statistiktutorium CL Haus 1, Raum 1.65a Lageplan Campus Griebnitzsee xvi

18 Essen und trinken Die folgende Liste gibt einen Überblick über die Restaurants in Potsdam und Griebnitzsee. Angegeben sind zu erwartende Durchschnittspreise für ein Hauptgericht. Die meisten Restaurants befinden sich in der Innenstadt von Potsdam. Name & Adresse Preis Art der Küche Albers am Griebnitzsee <10 deutsch Rudolf-Bretscheid-Str. 201 Lindencafé <10 deutsch, französisch Rudolf-Bretscheid-Str. 47 Athos <10 Greek Zeppelinstr. 152 Potsdamer Kulturcafé <10 Fisch, vegetarisch Benkertstr. 23 Filmcafé Potsdam <10 libanesisch Breitestr. 1A La Madeleine <10 Creperie, französisch Lindenstr. 20 My Keng <10 Sushi, kambodschanisch Brandenburger Str. 20 Matador <10 amerikanisch, Steaks Brandenburger Str. 2 Sakura Sushi Lounge Sushi, japanisch Friedrich-Ebert Str. 85 Zum Fliegenden Holländer Fisch, deutsch Benkertstr. 5 xvii

19 Essen und trinken Name & Adresse Preis Art der Küche Piazza Toscana ca. 15 italienisch Rudolf-Breitscheid-Str. 177 Café Kieselstein ca. 15 vegan/vegetarisch Hegelallee 23 Alter Stadwächter ca. 15 deutsch Schopenhauerstr. 33 Fischrestaurant "Der Butt" ca. 15 Fisch, deutsch Gutenbergstr 25 Brasserie zu Gutenberg ca. 15 deutsch, französisch Jägerstr. 6 Noidue ca. 15 italienisch, Gourmet Lindenstr. 6 Café Heider ca. 15 deutsch Friedrich-Ebert-Str. 29 Café Hundertwasser ca. 15 deutsch, mediteran Burfürstenstr. 52 Pfeffer & Salz >17 italienisch Brandenburger Str. 47 Juliette >17 französisch Jägerstr. 39 Restaurant Ma Cuisine >17 französisch Hebbelstr. 54 Massimo 18 >17 italienisch, Gourmet Mittelstr. 18 xviii

20 Programmübersicht und AG-Programme

21 Programm Programmübersicht Dienstag, 12. März 09:00 20:00 Tagung Arbeitskreis Linguistische Pragmatik und Vollversammlung ALP 10:00 17:00 DGfS Doktorandenforum 10:00 18:00 CL-Tutorium (Sektion Computerlinguistik) 15:30 18:00 Lehrerinformationstag 15:15 16:45 Lehramtsinitiative: Plenarvorträge ab 20:00 Warming Up im Restaurant Der Hammer Mittwoch, 13. März 09:30 09:45 Begrüßung 09:45 10:45 Plenarvortrag: Pia Quist (Copenhagen) 10:45 11:15 Kaffeepause 11:15 11:30 Preisverleihung Wilhelm-von-Humboldt-Preis 11:30 12:30 Plenarvortrag: Ian Roberts (Cambridge) 12:30 14:00 Mittagspause 13:00 14:00 Mitgliederversammlung der DGfS-Sektion Computerlinguistik 14:00 16:00 Arbeitsgruppensitzungen 16:00 16:30 Kaffeepause 16:30 18:30 Arbeitsgruppensitzungen ab 19:00 Geselliger Abend 2

22 Programmübersicht Donnerstag, 14. März 09:00 11:00 Arbeitsgruppensitzungen 11:00 11:30 Kaffeepause 11:30 13:00 Arbeitsgruppensitzungen 13:00 14:30 Mittagspause 13:00 14:30 Poster und Demos der Sektion Computerlinguistik 14:30 18:30 DGfS-Mitgliederversammlung 19:30 21:30 Empfang der Stadt Potsdam im Stadthaus Programm Freitag, 15. März 09:00 10:00 Plenarvortrag: Laurence Horn (Yale) 10:00 11:00 Plenarvortrag: Ina Bornkessel-Schlesewsky (Marburg) 11:00 11:30 Kaffeepause 11:30 14:00 Arbeitsgruppensitzungen 3

23 Programm

24 AG-Programme Programm AG1 Prosody and Information Status in Typological Perspective Stefan Baumann and Frank Kügler Haus 6, Raum S12 Mittwoch, Topic: Overview 14:00 14:30 Stefan Baumann and Frank Kügler Introduction 14:30 15:00 Arndt Riester, Moritz Stiefel and Kerstin Eckart Investigating Focus Projection in Corpus Data 15:00 16:00 Daniel Büring Givenness, Contrast & Topic Topic: Information status from different perspectives 16:30 17:00 Annika Herrmann The marking of information status in German Sign Language 17:00 17:30 Marina Snesareva Speech Tempo Variation as a New Information Marker in Modern Irish 17:30 18:00 Olga Lovick and Siri G. Tuttle Prosodic marking and information status of postverbal material in Alaskan Athabascan 5

25 AG-Programme Programm 18:00 18:30 Elisabeth Verhoeven and Frank Kügler Accentual preferences and the degree of contribution to the common ground: Evidence from an acceptability study on German Donnerstag, Topic: Typology and language (varieties) comparison 09:00 09:30 Aslı Gürer Prosody of Contrastive Focus and Discourse New Constituents in Turkish 09:30 10:00 Michael J. Harris and Viola G. Miglio A Comparison of Mexican and Chicano Spanish Encoding of New & Given Information 10:00 10:30 Karin Görs Kōrero Māori: Intonation patterns of Māori read speech 10:30 11:00 Rachel Burdin, Cynthia Clopper, Sara Phillips-Bourass, Judith Tonhauser and Murat Yasavul Variation in the prosody of contrastive focus in head and edge marking languages 11:30 12:00 Maria del Mar Vanrell, Antonio Stella, Barbara Gili- Fivela and Pilar Prieto The importance of universals in the expression of contrast 12:00 12:30 Yasuko Nagano-Madsen Prosodic manifestation of focus comparison of accent vs accentless dialects of Ryukyuan 12:30 13:00 Jörg Peters The phonetic realization of focus in Dutch, West Frisian, Low Saxon, and German Freitag, Topic: Syntax Prosody 11:30 12:00 Elisabeth Delais-Roussarie, Ingo Feldhausen and Cédric Patin Accounting for the prosodic phrasing of Clitic Left- Dislocations in Romance and Bantu

26 AG-Programme 12:00 12:30 Cíntia Antão, Pablo Arantes and Maria Luiza Cunha Lima Interrelation between subjecthood, referential status and prosody 12:30 13:00 Nele Salveste The prosodic and syntactic means of marking information status in Estonian 13:00 13:30 Susanne Genzel, Shinichiro Ishihara, Sara Myrberg, Fabian Schubö, Balázs Surányi and Ádám Szalontai The prosodic realization of broad and narrow focus in Hungarian 13:30 14:00 Stefan Baumann and Frank Kügler Outroduction & Discussion Programm AG2 Information Structural Evidence in the Race for Salience Anke Holler and Miriam Ellert Haus 6, Raum S13 Mittwoch, :00 15:00 Tom Roeper (Invited Speaker) What should a theory of interfaces tell us about the acquisition path for discourse coherence? 15:00 15:30 Augustin Speyer Reference Resolution in Historic Texts 15:30 16:00 Klaus von Heusinger and Annika Deichsel Indefinite dies und discourse salience 16:00 16:30 Coffee Break 16:30 17:00 Stefan Hinterwimmer Demonstrative Pronouns as Bound Variables? 7

27 AG-Programme Programm 17:00 17:30 Frédéric Landragin Physical salience and cognitive salience 17:30 18:00 Alexander Haselow Information structure and final particles 18:00 18:30 Milena Kuehnast, Winfried Menninghaus and Thomas Jacobsen Talking about emotions an experimental study of participles as information structure devices Donnerstag, :00 10:00 Jeffrey Runner (Invited Speaker) Syntactic structure, information structure, and lexical effects on null and overt subject comprehension in Spanish 10:00 10:30 Clare Patterson The effect of local discourse coherence on pronoun resolution: an eye-tracking study 10:30 11:00 Israel de la Fuente and Barbara Hemforth The role of information structure on object pronoun resolution in Spanish: topic vs. focus 11:00 11:30 Coffee Break 11:30 12:00 Petra Schumacher and Manuel Dangl Demonstrative pronouns, referential function and discourse progression 12:00 12:30 Simone Falk Salience cues during spoken discourse comprehension 12:30 13:00 Miriam Ellert and Anke Holler How salient is salience in reference resolution? Freitag, :30 12:30 Mary Carroll, Monique Flecken and Christiane von Stutterheim Introduction of referents A crosslinguistic study on language specific organisation of information 8

28 AG-Programme 12:30 13:00 Gerda Haßler Topic markers and their role in the race of salience and anaphora resolution: the case of Romance languages 13:00 13:30 Sonja Gipper Salience on the test stand: Referential choice in Yurakaré and Quichua 13:30 14:00 Duygu Özge, Umut Özge and Klaus von Heusinger Turkish optional case marking as an indicator of discourse salience Programm AG3 NP Syntax and Information Structure Eleonore Brandner, Andreas Trotzke, Barbara Sonnenhauser, and Martina Werner Haus 6, Raum S15 Mittwoch, :00 15:00 Giuliana Giusti and Rossella Iovino Latin as an Articleless DP-language 15:00 15:30 Manuela Ambar From DP to Sentence: Information Structure and Clause Typing 15:30 16:00 Manuela Gonzaga Adjectives in European Portuguese: Contribu-tions to the Definition of the DP Structure and its Similarity with the Sentence Structure 16:00 16:30 Coffee Break 16:30 17:30 Cecilia Poletto Scrambling Phenomena in the Old Italian DP 17:30 18:00 Mihaela Tanase-Dogaru Topics and Foci in Romanian Double-DP Qualitative Constructions 9

29 AG-Programme 18:00 18:30 Boban Arsenijević and Sabina Halupka-Rešetar On the Topical Nature of Non-restrictively Used Relative Pronouns Programm Donnerstag, :00 10:00 Norbert Corver Affective Information Packaging in the Nominal Domain 10:00 10:30 Dorian Roehrs The Left Periphery of the German DP: Two Pre-nominal Positions for Possessives 10:30 11:00 Marit Westergaard and Merete Anderssen Word Order and Information Structure within the Norwegian DP: Vulnerable Domains in Bilingual Acquisition and Attrition 11:00 11:30 Coffee Break 11:30 12:30 Ulrike Demske Discontinuous Noun Phrases in Early New High German: Evidence for Information Structure? 12:30 13:00 Rosemarie Lühr Discontinuous Syntax Freitag, :30 12:00 Julie Goncharov P-doubling in Split Scrambling: A Renaissance Analysis 12:00 12:30 Emily C. Wilson Predicate Inversion in the Colloquial Slovenian DP 12:30 13:00 Urtzi Etxeberria and Aritz Irurtzun The Effect of Focus in Narrowing Down Potential QP Interpretations 13:00 13:30 Maksim Kudrinski, Daria Popova, Svetlana Toldova, and Alexandra Simonenko Emerging Information Structure Effects: Clitic Particles in Khanty 10

30 AG-Programme AG4 Parentheses and Ellipsis: Crosslinguistic and Theoretical Perspectives Marlies Kluck, Dennis Ott, and Mark de Vries Programm Haus 6, Raum S16 Mittwoch, :00 14:30 Marlies Kluck, Dennis Ott, and Mark de Vries Introduction to the workshop 14:30 15:00 Sandra Döring Parentheticals are presumably CPs 15:00 15:30 Julia Bacskai-Atkari Parenthesis and comparative operator deletion 15:30 16:00 Natalia Korotkova How do you think? Apparent wh-scope marking in Russian 16:00 16:30 Coffee Break 16:30 17:00 Matthew Barros and Jeroen van Craenenbroeck Tag questions and pseudo -ellipsis 17:00 17:30 Bradley Larson The inherent syntactic incompleteness of Right Node Raising 17:30 18:00 Tracy Conner Overt functional heads license ellipsis: a unified account of VP-ellipsis and ellipsis in possessive DPs 18:00 18:30 Yiqin Qiu The negation in VP-ellipsis in Mandarin Chinese Donnerstag, :00 10:00 Stefan Schneider (invited speaker) Remarks on parenthesis and incompleteness phenomena in the Romance languages 11

31 AG-Programme Programm 10:00 10:30 Werner Frey and Hubert Truckenbrodt On the prosody and interpretation of some non-integrated constituents 10:30 11:00 Güliz Güneş Limits on the syntax-prosody mapping: finite and nonfinite clausal parentheticals in Turkish 11:00 11:30 Coffee Break 11:30 12:00 Gunther Kaltenböck and Bernd Heine On theticals: a rootless analysis of I think. 12:00 12:30 James Griffiths Amalgamation in mitigator constructions 12:30 13:00 Frédéric Gachet Syntactic analysis of que-deletion in French Freitag, :30 12:00 Nicholas LaCara Inversion, deletion, and focus in as-parentheticals 12:00 12:30 Ivan Sag, James Collins, Daria Popova, and Thomas Wasow Sluicing and salience 12:30 13:00 Gabriela Bîlbîie Verbless relative adjuncts as incidental fragments 13:00 14:00 Luis Vicente (invited speaker) A structural paradox with respect to parentheticals inside coordinate structures 12

32 AG-Programme AG5 The Syntax and Semantics of Pseudo- Incorporation Olga Borik and Berit Gehrke Programm Haus 6, Raum S17 Mittwoch, :00 14:30 Olga Borik and Berit Gehrke Introduction 14:30 15:00 M. Teresa Espinal Pseudo-incorporation in Romance at the syntax-semantics interface 15:00 15:30 Bert Le Bruyn Why have-predicates can take bare nominals 15:30 16:00 Ana Aguilar Guevara Weak nouns, weak verbs, and stereotypicality 16:00 16:30 Coffee break 16:30 17:00 Florian Schwarz Weak Definites and Kinds of Events 17:00 17:30 Natalia Serdobolskaya Direct Object marking in Mari: Unmarked DOs or pseudoincorporation 17:30 18:30 Veneeta Dayal Standard Complementation, Pseudo-Incorporation, Compounding 13

33 AG-Programme Donnerstag, Programm 09:00 10:00 Henriëtte de Swart Constructions with and without an article 10:00 10:30 Stavroula Alexandropoulou, Maartje Schulpen, and Henriëtte de Swart Modification of bare nominals across languages and constructions 10:30 11:00 Lidia Bogatyreva Cognate Intensifiers in Russian 11:00 11:30 Coffee break 11:30 12:00 Carmen Dobrovie-Sorin and Marcelo Ferreira Amounts of objects and pluralities 12:00 12:30 Fereshteh Modarresi Quasi-incorporation and number marking in Persian 12:30 13:00 Michael Barrie and Audrey Li The Semantics of (Pseudo)Incorporation and Case Freitag, :30 12:00 Olav Mueller-Reichau Pseudo-incorporation in Russian? Aspectual competition and bare singular interpretation 12:00 12:30 Carmen Dobrovie-Sorin Types of kind-referring BSs and pseudo-incorporation 12:30 13:00 Werner Frey Pseudo-Incorporation in German 13:00 14:00 General discussion 14

34 AG-Programme AG6 Interaction of Syntactic Primitives Anke Assmann, Doreen Georgi, Philipp Weisser, and Timo Klein Programm Haus 6, Raum S18 Mittwoch, :00 14:30 Philipp Weisser, Timo Klein, Doreen Georgi, Anke Assmann Introduction 14:30 15:30 Klaus Abels Feeding and transparency 15:30 16:00 Dalina Kallulli CP-Extraction feeds complementizer agreement 16:00 16:30 Coffee Break 16:30 17:00 Marc Richards Repair by ellipsis = damage by transfer 17:00 17:30 Leah Bauke What small clause (sub)extraction in Russian reveals about the properties of merge 17:30 18:00 Joost Kremers Cross-modular interaction 18:00 18:30 Martin Salzmann Rule ordering in verb cluster formation Donnerstag, :00 10:00 Ellen Woolford A hybrid approach to agreement typology: MP+OT 10:00 10:30 Artemis Alexiadou, Elena Anagnostopoulou, and Christina Sevdali Dative as a mixed Case: Agree meets m-case 10:30 11:00 Heidi Klockmann Phi-defective numerals in Polish: bleeding and default agreement 15

35 AG-Programme Programm 11:00 11:30 Coffee Break 11:30 12:00 Doreen Georgi Opaque Interaction of Merge and Agree: On Two Types of Internal Merge 12:00 13:00 Winfried Lechner Notes on the Duke of York Freitag, :30 12:30 Jeroen van Craenenbroeck and Marjo van Koppen Object movement feeds subject doubling: an antiintervention effect in the Dutch dialects 12:00 12:30 Alastair Appleton Operation ordering in head-final languages 12:30 13:00 Thomas Graf The price of freedom: why adjuncts are islands 13:00 14:00 Edwin Williams Simultaneous Derivation of Form and Meaning AG7 Usage-Based Approaches to Morphology Amir Zeldes and Anke Lüdeling Haus 6, Raum S27 Mittwoch, :00 14:30 Anke Lüdeling and Amir Zeldes Introduction 14:30-15:30 Geert Booij (Invited speaker) The relation between I-language and E-language in morphological theory: A constructionist perspective 16

36 AG-Programme 15:30 16:00 Holden Hartl and Sven Kotowski Phrasal vs. compound structure building: Two separate cognitive routes? 16:00 16:30 Coffee Break 16:30 17:00 Sabine Arndt-Lappe Synchronic and diachronic analogy in suffix rivalry: the case of -ity and -ness in English 17:00 17:30 Alice Blumenthal-Dramé How usage variables affect the relationship between derivatives and their bases: An fmri masked priming study Programm 17:30 18:00 Klaus-Michael Köpcke and Verena Wecker The L2-Acquisition of the German plural Evidence for usage based models of language Acquisition 18:00 18:30 Karin Madlener Does skewed input facilitate the incidental acquisition of a morphosyntactic construction by instructed adult second language learners? Donnerstag, :00 10:00 Stefan Th. Gries (Invited Speaker) A quantitative corpus-linguistic perspective on usagebased morphology 10:00 10:30 Sabine Arndt-Lappe and Ingo Plag Phonological variability in English blends 10:30 11:00 Pia Bergmann The phonetic implementation of morphological structure in spontaneous speech - The case of affixoids 11:00 11:30 Coffee Break 11:30 12:00 Ingo Plag and Melanie J. Bell Compound stress, informativity and analogy 12:30 13:00 Martin Haspelmath Corpus-based universals research: Explaining asymmetries in number marking 17

37 AG-Programme Freitag, Programm 11:30 12:00 Vsevolod Kapatsinski Schema induction in usage-based morphophonology 12:00 12:00 Roland Schäfer From prototypes to constructions: Inflectional alternations in German weak nouns 12:30 13:00 Anne-Kristin Cordes Children s ability to learn novel morphological constructions from the input 13:30 14:00 Anke Lüdeling and Amir Zeldes Closing discusssion AG8 Linguistic Foundations of Narration in Spoken and Sign Languages Annika Hübl, Markus Steinbach Haus 6, Raum S21 Mittwoch, :00 14:30 Annika Hübl & Markus Steinbach Narration across modalities 14:30 15:00 Sonja Zeman What s a narration? A linguistic perspective on a basic narratological concept 15:00 15:30 Anita Fetzer Narration in (spoken) political discourse 15:30 16:00 Svetlana Petrova Prospectivity in discourse 16:00 16:30 Coffee 18

38 AG-Programme 16:30 17:00 Emar Maier Fictional Discourse Representation 17:00 17:30 Regine Eckardt As time goes by temporal links between free indirect speech and narrative frame 17:30 18:30 Philippe Schlenker Role Shift, Context Shift and Formal Iconicity Programm Donnerstag, :00 10:00 Christiane v. Stutterheim: Grammatical foundations of narrative structures a cross-linguistic study 10:00 10:30 Monique Lambert: Role of subordination in the information structure of a narrative: comparison between French and English 10:30 11:00 Naoko Tomita: Language-specificity in the logic of coherence and language structure 11:00 11:30 Coffee 11:30 12:00 Thomas Weskott & Susanna Salem: Effects of Free Indirect Discourse on Language Comprehension 12:00 12:30 Franziska Köder: The relation between reported speech, pretense and metarepresentation: A developmental perspective 12:30 13:00 Choonkyu Lee: Story time, salience, and situation model Freitag, :30 12:00 Nina-Kristin Pendzich & Annika Herrmann: Between narrator and protagonist in fables of German Sign Language (DGS) 12:00 12:30 Gemma Barberà & Josep Quern: Contrastive topics and role shift in Catalan Sign Language (LSC) narratives 12:30 13:00 Silva H. Ladewig, Jana Bressem & Cornelia Müller: Ways of constructing action in multimodal communication 13:00 13:30 Vadim Kimmelman & Anna Sáfár: Manual holds: an analysis of two sign languages and two genres 19

39 AG-Programme Programm 13:30 14:00 Ronnie Wilbur & Evie Malaia: A new technique for assessing narrative prosodic effects in sign languages 14:00 14:30 Christian Rathmann: Perspective Shift, Discourse Modes and Temporal Interpretation in Sign Languages AG9 Specific Conditions in Language Acquisition Flavia Adani, Johannes Hennies, Eva Wimmer Haus 6, Raum S22 Donnerstag, : Stavroula Stavrakaki Specific Language Impairment in light of other developmental disorders: Evidence from morphological and syntactic investigations Monika Rothweiler The acquisition of subject-verb-agreement in German monolingual children with SLI and in successive bilingual children without and with SLI Rabea Schwarze, Magdalena Wojtecka, Angela Grimm & Petra Schulz Subject-Verb-Agreement in Early Second Language Learners with and without SLI: Evidence from Elicited Production in German Vasiliki Chondrogianni & Theodoros Marinis Production of definite articles in English-speaking sequential bilingual children and children with SLI 11:00 11:30 Coffee 11:30 12:00 Elma Blom, Nada Vasić & Jan de Jong Verb inflection errors in Dutch SLI: Impairment of the linguistic system, performance deficit... or both?

40 AG-Programme 12:00 12:30 Maria-José Ezeizabarrena, Maialen Iraola & Amaia Munarriz Subject marking in Basque language of early simultaneous and successive bilinguals 12:30 13:00 Chiara Cantiani, Maria Teresa Guasti, Paolo Perego & Maria Luisa Lorusso Impaired inflectional morphology in children with Developmental Dyslexia: converging evidence from behavioral and electrophysiological measures Programm Freitag, :30 12:00 Gregory J. Poarch & Janet G. van Hell Cross-linguistic interaction in early L2 learners, bilinguals and trilinguals 12:00 12:30 Vikki Janke & Alex Perovic Interpreting infinitives: an insight from high functioning autistic individuals 12:30 13:00 Marion Krause-Burmester Narrative performance in German children with Down Syndrome 13:00 13:30 Sarah Breitenstein, Nivedita Mani, Barbara Höhle & Ovidiu König Phonological processing in hearing impaired children 13:30 14:00 Kristin Hofmann & Solveig Chilla The oral language development in hearing children of deaf parents as early bilingualism Alternate Natalia Gagarina, Katrin Reichenbach & Antje Skerra Acquisition of story structure in German: a comparison of typically developing monolinguals and bilinguals with SLI children 21

41 AG-Programme Programm AG10 Modellierung Nicht-Standardisierter Schriftlichkeit Michael Beißwenger, Stefanie Dipper, Stefan Evert, Bianka Trevisan Haus 6, Raum S23 Mittwoch, :00 14:30 Michael Beißwenger, Stefanie Dipper, Stefan Evert & Bianka Trevisan Introduction 14:30 15:00 Felix Bildhauer Majuskelschreibung in Webkorpora: Verteilung und Funktion 15:00 15:30 Ulrike Sayatz & Roland Schäfer Klitika und Apostrophschreibung in Webkorpora zwischen Graphematik und Registerklassifikation 15:30 16:00 Klaus Geyer Dialektgraphien in Mundart-Ausgaben von Asterix- Comics: Systematische, kreative und Mündlichkeitsaspekte in Interaktion 16:00 16:30 Coffee 16:30 17:00 Sandra Waldenberger Schriftsprachliche Variation und emergenter Standard im übergang zur nhd. Orthographie 17:00 17:30 Michael Piotrowski Towards Computational Graphemics 17:30 18:00 Ines Rehbein, Sören Schalowski, Nadja Reinhold & Emiel Visser Äh... Ähm... Filled Pauses in Computer-Mediated Communication 18:00 18:30 Stella Neumann, Paula Niemietz & Tatiana Serbina Linguistic Annotation of Text Fragments in a Keystroke Logged Translation corpus 22

42 AG-Programme Donnerstag, :00 10:00 Jennifer Foster (invited speaker) #hardtoparse: The Challenges of Parsing the Language of Social Media Markus Dickinson, Mohammad Khan & Sandra Kübler Towards Parsing YouTube Comments Marc Reznicek & Heike Zinsmeister Why Learner Texts are Easy to Tag. A Comparative Evaluation of Part-of-Speech Tagging of Kobalt 11:00 11:30 Coffee 11:30 12:00 Aivars Glaznieks, Egon Stemle, Andrea Abel & Verena Lyding Herausforderungen bei der Erstellung eines L1- Lernerkorpus: Lösungsvorschläge aus dem Projekt KoKo 12:00 12:30 Thomas Schmidt Orthographische Normalisierung und PoS-Tagging von Transkriptionen gesprochener Sprache 12:30 13:00 Meikal Mumin Explaining the Unexplainable On the Challenges of Transliterating Arabic Based Script Programm Freitag, :30 12:30 Christian Mair (invited speaker) From Transcribed Speech to Visual Ethnolinguistic Repertoires in Four Stages: Writing Pidgin and Creole Languages in Diasporic Web Forums 12:30 13:00 Thomas Bartz & Angelika Storrer Korpusbasierte Analyse internetbasierter Kommunikation: Phänomene und Herausforderungen 13:00 13:30 Kay-Michael Würzner, Lothar Lemnitzer, Alexander Geyken & Bryan Jurish Linguistische Annotation von Dokumenten internetbasierter Kommunikation- eine explorative Analyse 23

43 AG-Programme Programm 13:30 14:00 Christa Dürscheid & Simone Ueberwasser (Kein) liberaler Umgang mit der orthographischen Norm. Empirische Befunde zur schriftlichen Alltagskommunikation AG11 Interface Issues of Gestures and Verbal Semantics and Pragmatics Cornelia Ebert, Hannes Rieser Haus 6, Raum S24 Mittwoch, Hannes Rieser Introduction: Speech-gesture Interfaces. An Overview Gianluca Giorgolo Gestures at the Semantcs-Pragmatics Interface Andy Lücking Interfacing Speech and Co-verbal Gesture: Exemplification Silva Ladewig Creating multimodal utterances: The syntactic and semantic integration of gestures into speech Carolin Kirchhof & Jan de Ruiter The audiovisual integration of speech and different gesture types Kaffeepause Julius Hasseme Towards a Typology of Gesture Form: Results from Gesture Analysis and a Motion Capture Study Jana Bressem Gestural repetitions and the construction of multimodal utterance meaning

44 AG-Programme Catherine Davies & Hannah Sowden Does gestural and verbal redundancy speed reference resolution in five year olds? Insa Röpke, Florian Hahn & Hannes Rieser Interface Constructions for Gestures Accompanying Verb Phrases Henning Holle Identifying linguistic and neural levels of interaction between gesture and speech during comprehension using EEG and fmri Programm AG12 Perspectives on Argument Alternations Ljudmila Geist, Giorgos Spathas, Peter de Swart Haus 6, Raum S24 Donnerstag, :00 09:10 Ljudmila Geist, Giorgos Spathas & Peter de Swart Begrüßung 09:10 10:00 Jean-Pierre Koenig Why (certain) verb semantics matters to valence alternations? 10:00 10:30 Alexandra Spalek Semantically restricted alternations for change of state verbs 10:30 11:00 Leonard H. Babby & James E. Lavine Impersonalization as an alternation 11:00 11:30 Coffee 11:30 12:00 Kerstin Schwabe Semantic and syntactic effects of alternative direct and oblique argument realizations 25

45 AG-Programme Programm 12:00 12:30 Alexis Dimitriadis & Martin Everaert Characterizing reflexivization: Semantic and syntactic perspectives 12:30 13:00 Florian Schäfer & Fabienne Martin Marked and unmarked anticausatives do not differ in meaning: a French case study Freitag, :30 12:00 Martin Haspelmath, Iren Hartmann & Andrej Malchukov Argument alternations: a large-scale comparative study Saartje Verbeke Alternating subject constructions in Nepali Zhanna Glushan Context sensitive unaccusativity in Russian and Italian 13:00 13:30 Ryan Dux The English rob/steal alternation and its German equivalents 13:30 14:00 Daniel Hole Der Himmel hängt voller Geigen The Stative Locative Alternation Alternates 1 Tibor Laczko On Hungarian particle verbs: semantic and argument structural issues from an LFG perspective 2 Albert Ortmann Semantic restrictions on argument alternations with nouns 26

46 AG-Programme AG13 Aspekte der Informationsstruktur für die Schule Maria Averintseva-Klisch, Corina Peschel Programm Haus 6, Raum S25 Donnerstag, :00 09:30 Maria Averintseva-Klisch & Corinna Peschel Einführung in den Themenbereich: aktuelle linguistische und didaktische Fragestellungen 09:30 10:30 Ludger Hoffmann Informationsstruktur und Wissen 10:30 11:00 Laura Basch Mit Schülerinnen und Schülern gemeinsam die kommunikative Gewichtung entdecken ein funktionaler, in der praxis entwickelter Ansatz 11:30 12:30 Franziska Patzig Kohärenz als Brücke zwischen Produktion und Rezeption Evidenzen aus anaphorischen Wiederaufnahmestrukturen in Schülertexten 12:30 13:00 Katharina Turgay Pronominale Informationsstruktur in Schülertexten Freitag, :30 12:30 Björn Rothstein Hanna Kröger-Bidlo, Anke Schmitz, Cornelia Gräsel & Gerhard Rupp Textkohäsion als Bedingung des Textverstehens am Beispiel der Verarbeitung expositorischer und literarischer Texte Magdalena Steiner Die Anwendung fragebasierter Textbeschreibungsmodelle im Deutschunterricht Maria Averintseva-Klisch & Corinna Peschel Resumé und Ausblick 27

47 AG-Programme AG14 The Visualization of Linguistic Patterns Annette Hautli, Thomas Mayer Programm Haus 6, Raum S25 Mittwoch, :00 14:10 Annette Hautli, Thomas Mayer Introduction 14:10 15:00 Christopher Culy Invited talk: Tackling a grand challenge in the visualization of language and linguistic data 15:00 15:30 Kris Heylen, Thomas Wielfaert and Dirk Speelman Tracking change in word meaning. A dynamic visualization of diachronic distributional semantic model 15:30 16:00 Alena Anishchanka, Dirk Speelman, Dirk Geeraerts Seeing it in color: visualization of color term reference 16:00 16:30 Coffee 16:30 17:00 Verena Lyding, Lionel Nicolas, Egon Stemle interhist an interactive visualization for statistically enhanced query structures 17:00 17:30 Agnia Barsukova, Daniil Sorokin Visualizing toponym clusters on an interactive map 17:30 18:00 Daniela Henze, Sebastian Bank, Jochen Trommer, Eva Zimmermann Visualizing morphological patterns in inflectional paradigms 18:00 18:30 Michael Cysouw, Iren Hartmann Visualising valency alternations 28

48 Arbeitsgruppen und Abstracts

49 Plenarvorträge PV Stylistic variation among multilingual youth in Scandinavia Pia Quist / U. of Copenhagen Mittwoch, 13.3., 09:45 10:45 The last 10 to 15 years a great deal of research has focused on urban multilingual youth (e.g. Auer 2003; Cheshire, Kerswill, Fox & Torgersen 2011; Kern & Selting 2012; Quist 2008; Quist & Svendsen 2010). Some study the phonetic, grammatical and lexical consequences of the new contact situations where majority languages like German, Danish and Swedish are used in combinations with new immigrant languages such as Turkish and Arabic (e.g. Bodén 2004; Cornips 2008; Ganuza 2008; Quist 2000; Wiese 2009). Others have their primary focus on identity aspects of the practice of combining languages and constructing new linguistic styles (e.g. Jørgensen & Møller 2008; Kallmeyer & Keim 2003; Quist 2012), and yet others look at stylisations and mediatizations of minority youth styles in public media (e.g. Androutsopoulos 2007; Quist & Jørgensen 2007). Common to all of the studies is a wish to describe, understand and discuss the effects of the dynamic and vibrant contact zones (Pratt 1987) on language use and structure, ideologies and social life. In my talk I shall give special attendance to the Scandinavian research in the field. The case of Scandinavia is interesting for various reasons. Compared to other European countries, Scandinavian linguists were relatively early in carrying out studies on the emergence of new linguistic practices in urban areas characterized by large amounts of migrants (notably, the Swedish sociolinguist Kotsinas path-breaking studies from 1980s (Kotsinas 1988)). The Scandinavian countries are comparable with respect to urban organization and developments, and the languages are relative similar in grammar and vocabulary. Furthermore, the parallel socio-demographic developments of the three Scandinavian welfare states offer comparable sociopolitical backgrounds for young people in the ethnically mixed areas of the 30

50 Plenarvorträge larger cities. In my talk I present an overview of the results of the Scandinavian research from the ethnically mixed urban neighborhoods of the cities of Oslo, Stockholm, Copenhagen, Malmø, Gothenburg and Århus. In the first part, I present a set of syntactic, morphological and lexical variables that are recognized as co-occurring in the speech of adolescents across Scandinavia, and I discuss briefly to what extent it is reasonable to talk about these variables as parts of new Scandinavian varieties or even dialects. In the second part of my talk I focus on stylistic aspects of the linguistic practices among Scandinavian multilingual youth. Despite discussions and disagreements on how to term and conceptualize new linguistic practices we find some striking parallels across the Scandinavian countries. PV References: Androutsopoulos, J. (2007) Ethnolekte in der Mediengesellschaft. Stilisierung und Sprachideologie in Performance, Fiktion und Metasprachdiskurs. In: C. Fandrych & Reinier Salverda (eds.) Standard, Variation und Sprachwandel in germanischen Sprachen. Tübingen: Narr Auer, P. (2003) Türkenslang ein jugendsprachlicher Ethnolekt des Deutschen und seine Transformationen. In A. Häcki Buhofer (ed) Spracherwerb und Lebensalter (pp ). Tübingen/Basel: Francke. Bodén, P. (2004) A new variety of Swedish? In S. Cassidy., F. Cox, R. Mannell and S. Palethorpe (eds) Proceedings of the Tenth Australian International Conference on Speech Science and Technology (pp ). Sydney: Australian Speech Science and Technology Association. Cheshire, J., P. Kerswill, S. Fox and E. Torgersen (2011) Contact, the feature pool and the speech community: The emergence of Multicultural London English. Journal of Sociolinguistics 15/2: Cornips, L. (2008) Loosing grammatical gender in Dutch: The result of bilingual acquisition and/or an act of identity? International Journal of Bilingualism, vol. 12, 1 & 2, Ganuza, N. (2008) Syntactic variation in the Swedish of adolescents in multilingual urban settings. Subject-verb order in declaratives, questions and subordinate clauses. PhD thesis, Stockholm University. Jørgensen J. N and J. Møller (2008) Poly-Lingual Languaging in Peer Group Interaction. Nordand, vol. 3, nr. 2, Kallmeyer, W. and Keim, I. (2003) Linguistic variation and the construction of social identity in a German-Turkish setting. A case study of an immigrant youth group in Mannheim, Germany. In J. Androutsopoulos and A. Georgakopoulou (eds) Discourse Constructions of Youth Identities (pp ). Amsterdam: John Benjamins. Kern, F. and M. Selting (eds.) (2012) Ethnic Styles of Speaking in European Metropolitan Areas. Amsterdam: John Benjamins. Kotsinas, U-B. (1988) Immigrant children s Swedish A new variety? Journal of multilintual and multicultural development 9, Pratt, M L. (1987) Linguistic utopias. N. Fabb, D. Attridge, A. Durant & C. MacCabe (eds.): The Linguistics of Writing. Manchester: Manchester University Press Quist, P. (2000) Ny københavnsk multietnolekt. Om sprogbrug blandt unge i sprogligt og kulturelt heterogene miljøer [New Copenhagen multiethnolect. On language use among youth in linguistically and culturally heterogeneous environ- 31

51 Plenarvorträge PV ments]. Danske Talesprog 1, Quist, P. (2008) Sociolinguistic approaches to multiethnolect: Language variety and stylistic practice. International Journal of Bilingualism 12 (1 & 2), Quist, P. (2012.) Stilistisk praksis. Unge og sprog i den senmoderne storby [Stylistic Practice. Youth and language in the late modern city]. Copenhagen: Museum Tusculanum. Quist, P. and J. N. Jørgensen (2007) Crossing - negotiating social boundaries. In P. Auer and L. Wei (eds): Handbook of Multilingualism and Multilingual Communication. Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter Quist, P. & B. A. Svendsen (eds.) (2010) Multilingual Urban Scandinavia. New Linguistic Practices. Bristol: Multilingual Matters. Wiese, H. (2009) Grammatical innovation in multiethnic urban Europe: new linguistic practices among adolescents. Lingua 119, Formal and Functional Explanations: New Perspective on an Old Debate Ian Roberts / U. of Cambridge Mittwoch, 13.3., 11:30 12:30 As discussed by Newmeyer (1998), the debate between formal and functional approaches to explanation in linguistics has a long pedigree, and in some respects the two perspectives may seem almost irreconcilable. Here I suggest that, taking seriously certain aspects of Chomsky s Minimalist Programme and, in particular, building on ongoing work proposing non-ugspecified, emergent parameter hierarchies (Roberts 2011, and work collected at it becomes apparent that the old dichotomy is a false one. There is a small, irreducible formal core to Universal Grammar (Merge and a schema for formal features) which interfaces with aspects of cognition which are related to the functional aspects of language (expression/communication of thought and action). Both aspects of this broad design of language are required in order to account for almost any linguistic phenomenon of interest, and so the old debate dissolves simply into the question of which aspect of the overall design (form or function) is of most immediate interest for researcher; no real issue of substance hinges on the issue. I will illustrate this by arguing, following Biberauer, Holmberg, Sheehan & Roberts (2009) and Biberauer, Roberts & Sheehan (2013) that this kind of approach to cross-linguistic variation offers a suitably restrictive theory of the nature and limits of syntactic variation. My focus is one aspect of the proposed parametric hierarchies, the so-called Mafioso Effect by which certain formal parametric options are simply irresistible for broadly functional reasons. 32

52 Plenarvorträge Exhaustivity and focus Laurence Horn / Yale U. Freitag, 15.3., 09:00-10:00 To study information structure it helps to know what constitutes information. This determination may appear (relatively) straightforward in the case of what is said, whether this is understood in an intuitive sense or in Grice s (1968: 225) favoured and maybe in some degree artificial sense of said that has become familiar in work he inspired. But developments over the last half-century, since Grice (1961) first distinguished conversationally implicated and conventionally implicated material from each other and from what is said, have demonstrated the complexity of the nature of information and of its transfer among interlocutors within a conversational context. One locus of interaction between information structure and implicature is in the treatment of focus phenomena, where a persistent dispute has involved the question of whether clefts and their fellow structural ( identificational ) focus markers entail or merely implicate exhaustivity. From It s α that φ s and its crosslinguistic analogues, can we infer semantically (Szabolcsi 1981, É. Kiss 1998, 2010) or just pragmatically (Horn 1981, Vallduví 1992, Wedgwood 2005, Onea & Beaver 2009) that nothing distinct from α (within the relevant contextual domain) φ s? Can we empirically confirm or disconfirm the claim that structural focus constructions assert and entail exhaustivity? For a variety of linguistic phenomena, ranging from polarity licensing and inversion to the tendency of material to scope outside higher emotive factives like It s too bad that..., the crucial factor is not what is (or is not) entailed but rather what counts (or does not count) as assertoric or at-issue meaning from a pragmatic perspective. We find that when exhaustivity is directly at issue, as in the nuclear scope of overt exclusives, upper-bounders, and exceptives (only DP, at most DP, nobody but DP), negative polarity items are licensed in the nuclear scope even in the presence of an inert positive entailment. When no dedicated exhaustivity marker is present, as with (bare) clefts and definite descriptions, the implication of exhaustivity or uniqueness is insufficient to license NPIs. But as shown by the relation of only clauses to their prejacents (Horn 2002), to show that exhaustivity isn t asserted in clefts is not to show that it isn t entailed. To this end, we examine the behavior of the exhaustiveness implication with respect to contexts of cancellation and question-answer pairs, as investigated in recent work by (among others) Onea Beaver (2009) and PV 33

53 Plenarvorträge Destruel (2009). Based on these studies and on earlier arguments summarized in this presentation, we can conclude that the derivation of exhaustivity in focus constructions is a pragmatic phenomenon not linked to the truthconditional contribution of clefts and related constructions. PV References Destruel, Emilie (to appear). The French c est-cleft : an empirical study on its meaning and use. To appear in C. Piñon (ed.), Empirical Issues in Syntax and Semantics 9. É. Kiss, Katalin (1998). Identificational focus versus information focus. Language 74: É. Kiss, Katalin (2010). Structural focus and exhaustivity. In M. Zimmermann C. Féry (eds.), Information Structure: Theoretical, Typological, and Experimental Perspectives, Oxford: Oxford U. Press. Grice, H. P. (1961). The causal theory of perception. Proceedings of the Aristotelian Society, Supplementary Volume 35: Grice, H. P. (1968). Utterer s meaning, sentence-meaning, and word-meaning. Foundations of Language 4: Horn, Laurence (1981). Exhaustiveness and the semantics of clefts. NELS 11: Horn, Laurence (2002). Assertoric inertia and NPI licensing. CLS 38, Part 2, Onea, Edgar and David Beaver (2009). Hungarian focus is not exhausted. In Proceedings of SALT XIX. Szabolcsi, Anna (1981). The semantics of topic-focus articulation. In J. Groenendijk et al. (eds.), Formal Methods in the Study of Language, Amsterdam: Mathematisch Centrum. Wedgwood, Daniel (2005). Shifting the Focus. Amsterdam: Elsevier. Vallduví, Enric (1992). The Informational Component. New York: Garland. Towards a neurobiologically plausible model of sentence and discourse processing Ina Bornkessel-Schlesewsky / U. of Marburg Freitag, 15.3., 10:00 11:00 Language as a communicative medium is undoubtedly a product of the human brain. It thus appears likely that the characteristics of human language(s) are shaped - at least to a certain degree - by basic principles of brain organisation and function. Nevertheless, and in spite of the rapidly increasing availability of language-related neuroscientific data, models of language production and comprehension are typically based on cognitive rather than neurobiological concepts. Here, I describe initial efforts to develop neurobiologically plausible models of speech and language and discuss how these might be extended to apply to the domain of sentence and discourse processing. I will argue that an approach that combines basic insights from neurobiology (including findings from non-human primates) with results from cross-linguistic investigations may prove particularly fruitful. 34

54 Arbeitsgruppe 1 Prosody and Information Status in Typological Perspective Stefan Baumann Frank Kügler AG1 Workshop description Many languages employ prosodic strategies to express information structure, e.g. different types and sizes of focus domains, encoded by changes in phonetic parameters such as intensity, duration and fundamental frequency but also by differences in pitch register scaling of tones or phrasing. Recent studies on West-Germanic languages suggest that also the information status of referential expressions (ranging from brand-new to fully given; e.g. Prince 1981) is encoded by fine-grained prosodic differences, e.g. by varying the type of pitch accent or by exploiting both tonal and non-tonal prominences (Röhr and Baumann 2010, Baumann and Riester, submitted). Since the growing body of studies investigating the prosodic expression of focus show considerable cross-linguistic variation (Kügler 2011), a comparable amount of typological variation can be expected with regard to the information status of discourse referents. The goal of this workshop is to gain new data, in particular from lesserstudied languages that add to the diversity of prosodic means for the expression of information structure and that may at the same time challenge and/or extend existing phonological and/or semantic models. We would thus like to invite researchers working on the interfaces between semantics, pragmatics and prosody, in particular from a typological perspective and with a view to data from lesser- studied languages. 35

55 Haus 6, Raum S12 Investigating Focus Projection in Corpus Data Arndt Riester, Moritz Stiefel, and Kerstin Eckart IMS Stuttgart Mittwoch, 13.3., 14:30 15:00 AG1 We present a study of focus projection phenomena in the DIRNDL corpus of German radio news (Eckart et al. 2012). Focus projection theory (e.g. Gussenhoven 1984; Selkirk 1995) predicts which words in a focussed constituent may remain unaccented in particular, predicates adjacent to their argument. The precise constraints governing focus projection are difficult to verify purely by introspection. One unsolved issue is, for instance, the differentiation between nuclear and prenuclear accents, which has been largely ignored in the debate. In our corpus investigation we select the following syntactic patterns expected to feature focus projection: (1-a) clause-final sequences of a DP plus infinitive: [ V P [ DP (D)(A*)N] V in f (V aux )], (1-b) clause-final sequences of a finite verb and a DP argument: [ V P V f in [ DP (D)(A*)N]], and (1-c) DP arguments of nominal heads. (Capitals mark the expected nuclear pitch accent in an all-new context.) (1) a. [... ] [ein ErGEBnis erzielen] F. b. [... ] [vernichteten ARbeitsplätze] F. c. [... ] [dem Ziel einer FuSION] F [... ] A first query yielded 82 instances of the syntactic pattern in (1-a) (we ignore complex, e.g. nested, argument phrases). An immediate observation is that, against our expectation, the (clause-final) predicate is only deaccented in less than a third of the cases (28 times). Therefore, in most cases, the nuclear pitch accent falls on the predicate (some of these accents might actually be postnuclear prominences). Referential information status (Baumann & Riester 2012) has an (indirect) influence on the accent pattern. Sequences with an argument labeled r-given or r-generic showed a deaccented predicate in 44% of the cases. The ratio was lower, for instance, for r-new and r-unused arguments (i.e. more accented predicates in these cases) presumably an indicator of narrow, contrastive focus on the former ones. Concerning pattern (1-b), the expected lack of accent on the predicate could be observed in 30 of 51 cases (59%). The predicates in the remaining 21 cases carried a prenuclear accent (37%), or even a nuclear pitch accent (4%). At first glance, the results seem to be independent of the information status of the clause-final DP. 36

56 Haus 6, Raum S12 The final pattern, (1-c), occurred 169 times (considering only the simplest possible constructions). In 24 (14%) of the cases, the embedded DP was realized prosodically weaker than the nominal predicate (the argument DP was rarely ever deaccented but mostly carried a non-nuclear accent belonging to a subsequent prosodic phrase). The highest ratio of such weakened arguments surprisingly did not occur with r-given arguments (13%) but with those labeled r-bridging (22%). The nominal predicate on the left hand side of the phrase was deaccented in only 4 cases, carried a prenuclear accent in 29 cases, while the remaining 140 instances carried a nuclear pitch accent of their own, thereby making no use of focus projection. References Baumann & Riester (2012). Referential and Lexical Givenness. In: Elordieta & Prieto (eds.) Prosody and Meaning. Eckart et al. (2012) A Discourse Information Radio News Database for Linguistic Analysis. In Chiarcos et al. (eds.) Linked Data in Linguistics. Gussenhoven (1984) On the Grammar and Semantics of Sentence Accent. Selkirk (1995) Sentence Prosody. In Goldsmith (ed.) The Handbook of Phonological Theory. AG1 Givenness, Contrast & Topic Daniel Büring / U. Wien Mittwoch, 13.3., 15:00 16:00 It is regularly proposed in the literature that the same semantic or pragmatic notion of contrast is relevant in characterizing topic as well as focus phenomena ( contrastive topic, contrastive focus ). But a satisfactory formal approximation of the concept has proven difficult to provide. Similar remarks apply to notions such as topical, aboutness, given, etc. which, too, form key ingredients to theories of (non-contrastive) topic and focus (or its complement: background). This talk attempts to provide some clarification of concepts and their interrelation. I point out a number of cases where the lumping of ostensibly different phenomena under the same label has hindered a clear characterization of basic concepts. A particular point of attention is the question to what extent concepts like topic, contrast, given etc. require allusion to an intermediate level of discourse structure (question under discussion, discourse trees etc.). 37

57 Haus 6, Raum S12 The marking of information status in German Sign Language Annika Herrmann / Georg-August-U. of Göttingen Mittwoch, 13.3., 16:30 17:00 AG1 As a universal phenomenon, prosodic structuring of discourse is attested in both spoken and signed languages. Instead of tonal changes, sign languages use manual (hands) and nonmanual means (body, head, and face, e.g. facial expressions) to mark information status in discourse. Research on information structural issues and prosody in American Sign Language (ASL) and Israeli Sign Language (ISL) has shown that there are prosodic strategies to mark topics, focus, and elements categorized as shared information, for instance (cf. Sandler & Lillo-Martin 2006, Wilbur 1994, Dachkovsky & Sandler 2009). Recent studies on the prosodic structuring of German Sign Language (DGS) - confirming many of the findings for ASL and ISL - have revealed that various articulatory cues are used to mark prominent parts of the signing stream (cf. Herrmann 2010, 2012). In this talk, I particularly discuss the marking of new information in relation to focus particles. The narrow focus constituent in focus particle sentences is consistently indicated by markers such as head and eyebrow movements. There is, however, no clear individual focus marker that is always associated with new information. It often depends on the surrounding signs which strategy the signers use, how the focus constituent is marked or whether the given material of the utterance is deaccented. The picture is more clear when it comes to the marking of accessible information such as shared or retrievable information and the marking of reference to the common ground. Similarly to ISL and Swedish Sign Language (SSL), accessibility in DGS is marked by squinted eyes. This specific nonmanual feature simultaneously accompanies the relevant signs and compositionally contributes to the meaning of the utterance. The results are based on annotated corpus data of elicited video material and show that prosodic marking of information status is not limited to the modality of spoken languages. DGS is the native language of deaf people in Germany and despite increasing empirical, experimental, and theoretical sign language research, it is still a typologically understudied language that may shed new light also on spoken language theories. References Dachkovsky, Svetlana and Wendy Sandler (2009): Visual intonation in the prosody of a sign language. Language and Speech 52 (2/3), Herrmann, Annika (2010): The interaction of eye blinks and other prosodic cues in German Sign 38

58 Haus 6, Raum S12 Language. Sign Language and Linguistics 13: Herrmann, Annika (2012): Prosody in German Sign Language. In: Prieto, Pilar and Gorka Elordieta (eds.): Prosody and Meaning. Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter Sandler, Wendy and Diane Lillo-Martin (2006): Sign Language and Linguistic Universals. CUP. Wilbur, Ronnie (1994): Foregrounding structures in American Sign Language. Journal of Pragmatics Speech Tempo Variation as a New Information Marker in Modern Irish Marina Snesareva / Moscow State U. Mittwoch, 13.3., 17:00 17:30 There exist various prosodic means of expressing the type of information in the communication process, speech tempo changes being one of them. This phenomenon has already been described by modern scholars (Trouvain 2003), but as for the Irish language, the speech tempo and its functioning in communication has remained so far beyond the scope of investigation. Most researchers tend to agree that speech tempo consists of the so-called articulation rate, or a number of syllables articulated per unit of time, on the one hand, and pausing, i.e. the amount of pauses used within a chunk of speech, on the other hand. Speech tempo does not remain unchanged in the process of speaking, otherwise the speech would be considered monotonous and somewhat unnatural. It should be noted here that such changes do not occur spontaneously; they are closely related to the content plain of the utterance. As Chafe (1994) has pointed out, all information exchanged during communication can be regarded as either new or given, depending on the listener s background knowledge. To ensure the audience can follow him and interpret the reported information correctly, the speaker tends to use some additional means to bring out important information in the flow of speech, tempo variation being one of them (Tomlin et al 1997:70). If we now turn to speech tempo changes in Irish dialects, here it is pausing that immediately comes to the fore. It is accounted for by the fact that spontaneous speech in Modern Irish is marked by the extensive use of pauses, both filled and unfilled ones. Although there are cases where pauses can be described as a hesitation phenomenon only, in a large number of instances their use is closely connected with the information status, new data being enhanced and brought out by the pause. This paper is an outcome of an investigation conducted on the material of spontaneous speech samples in Irish, analysed descriptively with the help AG1 39

59 Haus 6, Raum S12 AG1 of Praat, a computer programme designed for speech analysis. This helped to measure articulation rate and the duration of pauses as well as to define their boundaries more precisely. During the analysis the subject of conversation and information type were being taken into account as well, which resulted in a number of preliminary conclusions that may present some interest. Thus, not only did the tempo change mark new information, but also there appeared to be a tendency to increase the overall speech tempo when various clichés or frequently used phrases were introduced. In the present paper the connection of pausing and slowing down the speech tempo with the information structure of an Irish sentence will be further investigated, the special attention being given to the way the listener perceives tempo variation and reacts on this change. Furthermore, a number of examples will be adduced to illustrate the specific use of pauses, especially the filled ones, in spontaneous speech in Modern Irish. References Chafe, W., Discourse, Semantics, and Time. Chicago, Tomlin, R.S. et al, Discourse Semantics, in Discourse as structure and process (ed. T.A. van Dijk), London, Trouvain, J., Tempo Variation in Speech Production. Saarbrücken, Prosodic marking and information status of postverbal material in Alaskan Athabascan Olga Lovick / First Nations U. of Canada Siri G. Tuttle / U. of Alaska Fairbanks Mittwoch, 13.3., 17:30 18:00 In the Alaskan Athabascan languages Dena ina, Ahtna, Lower Tanana, and Upper Tanana, most lexical material (excepting conjunctions and phrasal enclitics) precedes the verb. We find however in all these languages that there is a significant amount of postverbal material as well. Preliminary analysis shows differences between the languages in the frequency and category of postverbal material. We find that not all postverbal phrases are additions to the clause as argued by Rice (1989) for Slave or by Jung (2000) for Apachean, or add only old information, as shown by (Thompson 2000) for Koyukon. Based on a comprehensive survey of narrative texts in these languages, we observe that there are three functions associated with postverbal material: focus, antitopic, and afterthought. In this way, our findings resemble those of Herring (1994) and Herring and Paolillo (1995) for Tamil.t 40

60 Haus 6, Raum S12 Following Lovick and Tuttle (2012), we assume that narrative texts in Alaskan Athabascan consist of informational units that are marked by final lowering (story units) and by final lengthening without lowering (intonation units). We compare the prosody of units containing postverbal material with that of units in which verbs are final. Post-verbal focus phrases often lack a preceding pause, never follow the final low, and do not contain their own peak. They are thus in the same intonation unit as the verb. Phrases containing old information frequently follow significant pauses and are in an intonation unit of their own which sometimes has a high peak; afterthoughts also tend to follow the story-unit-final low, can usually be considered to form their own story unit and are usually consistently low. We thus find that not only is new material marked differently, but that different types of old material are marked differently as well. AG1 References Herring, Susan C Afterthoughts, Antitopics, and Emphasis: The syntacticization of postverbal position in Tamil. In Theoretical perspectives on word order in South Asian languages, eds. Miriam Butt & Tracy Holloway King, Stanford: CSLI., & John C. Paolillo Focus position in SOV languages. In Word order in discourse, eds. Pamela Downing & Michael Noonan, Amsterdam: John Benjamins. Jung, Dagmar Word order in Apache narratives. In The Athabaskan languages: Perspectives on a Native American language family, eds. Theodore B. Fernald & Paul R. Platero, Oxford: Oxford University Press. Lovick, Olga, & Siri G. Tuttle The prosody of Dena ina narrative discourse. International Journal of American Linguistics 78 (3): Rice, Keren A Grammar of Slave. Berlin, New York: Mouton de Gruyter. Thompson, Chad Iconicity and word order in Koyukon Athabascan. In The Athabaskan languages: Perspectives on a Native American language family, eds. Theodore B. Fernald & Paul R. Platero, Oxford: Oxford University Press. Accentual preferences and the degree of contribution to the common ground: Evidence from an acceptability study on German Elisabeth Verhoeven / HU Berlin Frank Kügler / U. Potsdam Mittwoch, 13.3., 18:00 18:30 New information may vary as to the degree of its contribution to the common ground, ranging from information that is highly expected in a particular environment to information that is highly unpredictable. Compare the contrast in 41

61 Haus 6, Raum S12 (1): the verb dance is highly expected in the context of a ballerina, but not so in the context of a teacher. (1) a. A ballerina danced. b. A teacher danced. AG1 Even if both utterances present new information in a particular context, they involve an asymmetry in terms of meeting or not the expectations of the hearer. This asymmetry has an impact on sentential prosody. If the verb is expected with the given subject, see (1a), then a prosodic realization of the utterance with early nuclear stress, i.e. stress on the subject and a deaccented verb is felicitous in all-new contexts. If the verb is not expected, as in (1b), the optimal prosodic realization predicts late nuclear stress, i.e.stress on the (here unergative) verb following a syntactically based mapping with sentence prosody. In this presentation, we confirm this hypothesis with data from an acceptability study on German (performed by 32 native speakers). We show that the contrast of the predictability of a verb as introduced by (1) applies to unergative verbs, but not to unaccusatives and passives. The experimental results demonstrate that a verb s predictability significantly interacts with early vs. late nuclear stress in simple sentences with unergative verbs but not in sentences with unaccusative/passive verbs. This result is expected for unaccusatives/passives given that a syntactically based prosodic realization of simple sentences with these verbs already involves early nuclear stress. The interaction effect with unergative verbs clearly shows that (lexical) predictability influences syntactically determined prosody. Our findings have repercussions for the assumptions about the syntactic differences between the intransitive verb classes of unaccusative and unergative verbs and their mapping on prosodic structure (see e.g. Kahnemuyipour 2009, Kratzer & Selkirk 2007). Moreover, the study empirically examines previous claims in the literature that trace back the variation in the realization of the nuclear stress to asymmetries in the contribution of several verbs to the utterance (see Krifka 1984, Birner 1994). With respect to the main questions of this workshop, this presentation will address the core issue, which (sub)categories of information status influence prosody and in particular we will show that in the presented task hearer s expectations can be shown to have a strong impact on prosodic structure. References Birner, B. J. 1994, Information status and word order: an analysis of English Inversion. Language 70.2, Kahnemuyipour, A. 2009, The syntax of sentential stress. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Kratzer, A. & Selkirk, E. 2007, 42

62 Haus 6, Raum S12 Phase theory and prosodic spellout: the case of verbs. The linguistic review 24, Krifka, M. 1984, Fokus, Topik, syntaktische Struktur und semantische Interpretation. Ms., Humboldt-Universität zu Berlin. Prosody of Contrastive Focus and Discourse New Constituents in Turkish Aslı Gürer Donnerstag, 14.3., 09:00 09:30 In the literature the prosodic properties of contrastive focus, discourse new and given constituents have been investigated extensively and the analyses are divided into two lines in that focus is analyzed to have an effect either on phonetic prominence (Fery and Ishihara 2009, Selkirk and Katz 2011, Ishihara 2011) or on phonological phrasing (Truckenbrodt 1995, Frascarelli 1997). In this study, we will show that in Turkish, contrastive focus constituents are not marked as phonetically more prominent than discourse new constituents but the prosodic properties of structures with contrastive focus constituents are in line with rephrasing analysis. This experimental study explores how information structure is mapped onto prosody of Turkish comparing structures within sets of minimal contexts (1-2). The target structures are embedded in dialogues and elicited from 6 native speakers of Turkish. Discourse new constituents are elicited as answers to wh- questions while contrastive focus constituents are elicited as answers to alternative disjunctive questions or through corrective statements both of which assert the truth-value of one of the members in the set. AG1 (1) Target structures a. given-discourse new-given b. given-contrastive focus-given c. contrastive focus-given-given (2) Control structures a. discourse new-discourse new- discourse new b. given-given-given In order to compare discourse new and contrastive focus in medial position the peak value of the pitch accents and the minimum pitch value of the following and preceding syllables were measured to find out pitch excursion. With 43

63 Haus 6, Raum S12 AG1 the aim of determining whether discourse new and contrastive focus constituent in medial position has a prosodic effect on the pre-nuclear domain, the peak value of the H- boundary tone is chosen as target measurement point. Finally, in the final post nuclear domain the minimum pitch value of the initial syllable of the verb is measured to find out post-focal deaccentuation pattern. We have found out that when surrounded by given constituents in medial position (i) in terms of the pitch height of the accented syllable, discourse new constituents have higher pitch value than contrastive focus constituents, (ii) in terms of pitch excursion, the rise ratio before the accented syllable is higher with discourse new constituents but the fall ratio following the accented syllable is larger with contrastive focus constituent, (iii) in the initial domain the peak value of the accented syllable of the given constituent and the prenuclear H- boundary tone is higher when followed by discourse new constituents in the medial domain and finally (iv) the pitch value at the beginning of the verb in the final domain is lower when followed by contrastive focus constituents as illustrated in figure (1). These findings indicate that contrastive focus has compression effect not only in the post-focal domain but also in the initial domain on pre-nuclear H- boundary tone. When contrastive focus constituent is in utterance initial position followed by given constituents (1c), the measurement points are the peak of the accented syllable and the minimum pitch value of the preceding and following syllables. In medial position the same points are measured namely the height of the accented syllable and the minimum pitch values of the preceding and following syllables and in the final VP domain the minimum pitch value of the first syllable of the verb is measured. We have found out that when contrastive focus is in initial position, the initial domain shows the prosodic properties of nuclear domain suggested by Kamali (2011) in that (i) H- boundary tone at the right edge of the initial domain which appears in all pre-nuclear domains does not surface, (ii) when contrastive focus constituent is lexically accented the fall starts earlier as in figure 2 and when it is finally stressed word the fall starts with the beginning of the new domain. Finally, one of the control structures of given-given-given context (2a) induced focus on the predicate and the domains preceding the verb show the prosodic properties of pre-nuclear domain and surface with H- boundary tone at the right edge as illustrated in figure 3. To conclude we suggest that when contrastive focus is in medial position, phonetically it is not more prominent than discourse new information but yields compression in the initial and final domains, but when contrastive focus is in initial or final position rephrasing applies and contrastive focus forms 44

64 Haus 6, Raum S12 the nuclear domain irrespective of its position in the sentence. Figure 1: pitch track of a given-contrastive focus-given sentence, speaker OG AG1 Figure 2: pitch track of a contrastive focus-given-given sentence, speaker ET Figure 3: pitch track of a sentence in given-given-given context with predicate focus, speaker Nİ. References Fery, C. and Ishihara, S. (2009) How Focus and Givennes Shape Prosody. In Zimmermann, M. Fery, C. (eds.) Information Structure from different perspectives. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Pp Frascarelli, M. (1997) The phonology of Focus and Topic in Italian. The Linguistic Review, 14, Kamali, B. (2011) Topics at the PF Interface of Turkish. PhD Dissertation, Harvard University. 45

65 Haus 6, Raum S12 Selkirk E. and Katz, J. (2011) Contrastive Focus vs. Discourse-New: Evidence from Phonetic Prominence in English, Language. Ishihara, S. (2011) Japanese focus prosody revisited: Freeing focus from prosodic phrasing, Lingua, 121 (2011) Truckenbrodt, H. (1995) Phonological phrases: Their relation to syntax, focus, and prominence. Doctoral thesis, Massachussetts Institute of Technology. AG1 A Comparison of Mexican and Chicano Spanish Encoding of New & Given Information Michael J. Harris and Viola G. Miglio U. of California, Santa Barbara Donnerstag 15, 09:30 10:00 Intonational patterns are constrained by the architecture of our speech production system, but such constraints can be manipulated by the speakers and their speech communities, and become grammaticalized [1]. Therefore, while intonation is based on physical, phonetic correlates (F0, duration, intensity), it is also part of the phonological system, and as such it is subject to variation and change. Likewise for information structure in communication: all languages have a way of encoding new information (information the speaker thinks the hearer does not know), as well as given (or old ) information, i.e. (information the speaker thinks the hearer already knows [2][3]). The methods by which such differences in information structure are encoded, however, may well be language-specific. We set out to assess dialectal variation in the prosodic encoding of information structure in Mexican and Chicano Spanish in California. In this study, we analyzed the language-specific use of the Production Code (the tendency for energy to decline from the beginning to the end of an utterance, through a gradual drop in intensity & pitch [1][4:471]). We assessed whether the correlations between highly energetic beginnings and new topics are indeed universal and therefore hold also in the different Spanish dialects we analyzed. Our hypothesis was that findings would in general corroborate those in Röhr & Baumann [5], but that there could be measurable dialectal differences in how given-new information was encoded. Independent variables, such as speaker type, pitch excursion/contour, and intensity are analyzed in a multifactorial regression model to predict giveness (the dependent variable), thus quantifying the effects of these variables and their relevant interactions. 46

66 Haus 6, Raum S12 Ten subjects per dialect were recorded in semi-directed interviews, so as to obtain more naturalistic language patterns (as compared to reading). As in [5], our preliminary results reveal that relatively higher pitch frequencies signal new information, and that items encoding new information also exhibit proportionally longer stressed and unstressed vowels, than those encoding given information. We do, however, find cross-dialectal variation between monolingual Mexican speakers and Chicanos: the intonation contours of Mexican Spanish speakers are flatter for given information (L-L) and rising (L-H) for new information, whereas in the case of Chicano speakers they are H-L for both given and new information, but new information is marked by overall higher pitch values, longer vowel duration and more wavy intermediate contours. Our preliminary findings therefore corroborate Gussenhoven s theory [1] that some aspects of intonation are shared cross-linguistically (longer vowel length & higher pitch for new info), whereas others are encoded languagespecifically and vary even across dialects (pitch contours). AG1 References [1] Gussenhoven, C Intonation and Interpretation: Phonetics and Phonology. Proceedings 1st Int. Conference on Speech Prosody. Aix-en-Provence [2] Haviland, S. & Clark, H. (1974). What s new? Acquiring new information as a process in comprehension. Journal of Verbal Learning and Verbal Behavior, 13, [3] Prince, E. F Toward a Taxonomy of Given-New Information. In: Peter Cole (ed.), Radical Pragmatics, New York: Academic Press [4] Bolinger, D Intonation across Languages. In Greenberg. J. H. (ed.), Universals of Human Language 2 (Phonology). Stanford University Press, [5] Röhr, C.T. & Baumann, S Prosodic marking of information status in German. Proc. Speech Prosody Chicago, , 1-4. Kōrero Māori: Intonation patterns of Māori read speech Karin Görs / Christian-Albrechts-U. Kiel Donnerstag, 14.3., 10:00 10:30 This paper presents an analysis of the intonation patterns in Māori, an Eastern Polynesian language, spoken in New Zealand by about 150,000 native speakers. Recordings of news items in TV broadcasts - and hence of a high standard reading style - were acoustically analysed using PRAAT. Since the intonational phonology as well as major parts of the prosodic system of Māori are still widely unknown [1], the acoustic analysis was performed at a purely 47

67 Haus 6, Raum S12 AG1 descriptive level on the basis of breath-group units. Nevertheless, the preliminary results of the descriptive analysis yielded interesting insights into the intonational characteristics of Māori read speech. For example, intonation patterns are closely coordinated with syntactic structures in the sense that syntactic constitutes are spanned by global peaks or valleys (depending on the speaker) whose scaling is closely oriented towards a fairly narrow F0 range at a medium level. Embedded in these global contours are local accent peaks that show a phonetically belated alignment compared e.g. with pitch accents of Northern Standard German (cf. [2]). The narrow mid-level F0 range tends to be broken through only for three reasons: (a) for indicating the beginning of a (news) topic by an extended phrase-initial F0 movement, (b) for indicating the end of a topic by a low falling phrase-final F0 movement, and (c) for marking new/important information by higher scalings (rather than by different alignments) of accent peaks. Compared with many other languages like German, Dutch, or English from a cross-linguistically perspective, phrasefinal lengthening seems to be only marginal in Māori. However, the dynamics of F0 movements seems to decrease successively throughout a phrase. This includes that the accent contours become broader shapes and flatter peak maxima the later the accents occur within a phrase. Figure 1: Example of a news item, produced in three breath groups by a male speaker. References [1] Harlow, R The phonology of Māori. Maori. A Linguistic Introduction. Cambridge: CUP. [2] Niebuhr, O. & G.I. Ambrazaitis Alignment of medial and late peaks in German spontaneous speech. Proc. 3Rd International Conference of Speech Prosody, Dresden,

68 Haus 6, Raum S12 Variation in the prosody of contrastive focus in headand edge-marking languages Rachel Burdin et al. / Ohio State U. Donnerstag, 14.3., 10:30 11:00 This study explores the prosodic realization of contrastive focus in four typologically unrelated languages: K iche Maya, Moroccan Arabic, Paraguayan Guaraní, and American English. English and Guaraní mark prominence culminatively on the head of the prosodic unit (Clopper & Tonhauser, in press; Jun, 2005), whereas Moroccan Arabic and K iche mark prominence demarcatively on the right edge of the prosodic unit (Benkirane, 1998; Nielsen, 2005). To allow for cross-linguistic comparisons, the same elicitation task was used for all four languages in their respective countries. Each experimental session was conducted with two native speakers of the target language: a director and a follower. The director was asked to tell the follower which colored objects to put into which boxes (e.g., Put the red dog into box 1). Utterances were elicited in which the color-denoting adjective, the objectdenoting noun, or the noun phrase consisting of the adjective and the noun was contrastively focused. Data from 10 directors from each language have been annotated phonologically, using an autosegmental-metrical approach, and analyzed acoustically using language-specific measurements. In English, rising pitch accents occurred more frequently on focused than non-focused expressions and deaccenting was observed only for non-focused expressions. These results are consistent with the previous literature on American English prosody and confirm that the task was appropriate for eliciting the intended utterances. In Guaraní, the noun was more likely to be deaccented in the adjective focus condition than the noun focus condition, similar to the English pattern. However, focused expressions were also longer in duration than non-focused expressions and NP focus was marked by phrase-final lengthening. In Moroccan Arabic, focused expressions were also longer in duration than non-focused expressions and NP focus was marked by a rising boundary tone. In K iche, focused expressions were longer in duration than non-focused expressions, but no differences in boundary tone realization were observed. These results suggest that the prosodic realization of contrastive focus is orthogonal to the distinction between head-marking and edge-marking languages. English and Guaraní, the head-marking languages, share deaccenting as a means for marking non-focused expressions, and Moroccan Arabic and AG1 49

69 Haus 6, Raum S12 K iche, the edge-marking languages, share duration cues to contrastive focus. However, Guaraní also shares duration and phrasing cues with Moroccan Arabic, despite their structural prosodic differences. References Benkirane, T. (1998). Intonation in Western Arabic (Morocco). In D. Hirst & A. Di Cristo (eds.), Intonation Systems: A Survey of Twenty Languages (pp ). Cambridge: CUP. Clopper, C. G., & Tonhauser, J. (in press). The prosody of focus in Paraguayan Guaraní. International Journal of American Linguistics. Jun, S.- A. (2005). Prosodic typology. In S.-A. Jun (ed.), Prosodic Typology: The Phonology of Intonation and Phrasing (pp ). Oxford: OUP. Nielsen, K. (2005). Kiche intonation. UCLA Working Papers in Phonetics, 104, AG1 The importance of universals in the expression of contrast M. M. Vanrell 1, A. Stella 2, B. Gili-Fivela 3, and P. Prieto 4 1 U. Autónoma de Madrid, 2 U. degli Studi di Padova, 3 U. del Salento, 4 ICREA-U. Pompeu Fabra Donnerstag, 14.3., 10:30 11:00 Though the proponents of the biological codes ([1], [2]) have assumed that paralinguistic meaning is universal since it is biologically-based and that it is generally true that languages tend to follow the form-function relations found in the paralinguistic domain, they also point out that it is important to keep in mind that grammaticalisation may involve unnatural and arbitrary forms ([2]). Evidence for these mismatches is found in languages which mark statements through final rises, as in Belfast English or Chickasaw ([2]), or in languages which mark questions by means of falls, as in Roermond Dutch ([4]). Yet another piece of evidence that some languages do not always follow the general biological patterns is the fact that not all languages express prominence through an increase in pitch. For example, languages such as Akan ([4]) express contrastive focus through lower realizations of both high and low tones. In this study, we address the question of how the informational interpretation of the Effort Code ([2]) is found in the expression of contrastive focus in closely-related languages (Catalan, Italian, and Spanish). To this end, we conducted a production experiment in which the data obtained by means of question-answer pairs for the two focal conditions (i.e., Melania_L+H* verrà domani Melania will come tomorrow for the non-contrastive condition and MELANIAH*+L verrà domani Melania will come tomorrow for the contrastive condition) and the three languages were analyzed acoustically and 50

70 Haus 6, Raum S12 a perception experiment in which we tested the specific contribution of tonal alignment, duration, and tonal scaling to the identification of both focal conditions. In production, the three languages exhibit an important effect of focal condition on the alignment of the H target. Syllables bearing contrastive accents tend to be longer in the three languages too. With respect to scaling features, Italian speakers are the only ones to use the tonal scaling of the H target in a systematic fashion: contrastive peaks are lower than non-contrastive ones. The production results are mirrored at the perceptual level, although the three languages have their own specific preferences for particular prosodic parameters. The Italian scaling results are interesting in terms of the linguistic universals, since they contradict the general predictions described by the Effort Code ([2]). We interpret that the Italian results are caused by a mechanical limitation related to the complexity of the tonal movement for Italian contrastive accents (rising-falling). At the same time, in the absence of an increase in pitch, a complex movement (a rising-falling movement is more effortful than a simple movement, just falling or rising) is used as a substitute to mark a specific constituent as strong from an informational point of view. AG1 Prosodic manifestation of focus in Ryukyuan - typological approach Yasuko Nagano-Madsen / U. of Gothenburg Donnerstag, 14.3., 12:00 12:30 Ryukyuan is an endangered sister language of Japanese spoken in the Ryukyu Islands south mainland Japan. Ryukyuan has an interesting grammatical system where the focus and sentence type is marked by a complex combination of particles and verb-final mood suffixes as shown in the table below. Within Ryukyuan linguistics, intonation is one of the least studied areas and thus far only a basic description is available for Shuri Ryukyuan (Nagano-Madsen 2011, to appear). 51

71 Haus 6, Raum S12 Focus type Sentence type Particle Mood suffix new D(eclarative) du +ru new Q(uestion) ga +ra Wh- Q _ +ga Wh- +extra focus Q ga +ra No focus D _ +N No focus D _ +mi Topic D/Q ya +N, +mi Contrastive D/Q ga +N, +mi AG1 The goal of this paper is partly to introduce the grammatical system of focus in Ryukyuan, and partly to examine how phonetic cues, such as F0, pause, and duration, are exploited to mark focus in this language. We will do this by contrasting two dialects of Ryukyuan (Shuri and Miyako Irabu) that differ in lexical pitch accent typology. Shuri dialect has an H*L pitch accent like Tokyo Japanese while Miyako Irabu is accentless. Miyako Irabu has presumably lost its lexical pitch accent at some time in its history and became accentless. The basic intonation unit in Miyako Irabu is a phrase component with initial F0 rise, which is then followed by a slight F0 declination. The test material consisted of sentences that include various types of focus particles shown above, which were read by speakers of both dialects. The results showed that the two dialects differ greatly in the use of F0, pause, and duration. In the Shuri dialect, focus sentences including Wh-questions have a typical focus intonation where the focused phrase has an F0 expansion and the post-focal phrase had a strongly compressed F0. The focus particle has an L tone. When a focus particle is combined with Wh-questions, it is manifested as extra high F0 in the Shuri dialect. The difference between Topic and contrastive focus can be accounted for as a difference in the number of intonation phrase. In contrast, Miyako Irabu accentless dialect lacks such a global organization of F0, and focus is manifested only locally by the prominent H tone of the focus particle that follows the focused phrase. A systematic insertion of pause as well as shortened post-focal phrase was also observed in the Miyako Irabu dialect. In sum, Shuri manifests focus chiefly by F0 while Miyako Irabu manifests focus by a combination of the phrase final H tone + pause + temporal compression. It is conjectured that the lack of the global organization of F0 (expansion/compression) in Miyako Irabu in focus contexts is due to the lack of H*L pitch accent in this language. References Nagano-Madsen, Y Intonation in Ryukyuan with reference to modality, syntax, and focus. In Language Documentation and Description, vol 10 :178-52

72 Haus 6, Raum S London: SOAS. Nagano-Madsen, Y. (to appear). Intonation in Okinawan. In Handbook of the Ryukyuan Languages. Berlin: Mouton-de Gruyter. The phonetic realization of focus in Dutch, West Frisian, Low Saxon, and German Jörg Peters / Carl von Ossietzky U. Oldenburg Donnerstag, 14.3., 12:30 13:00 Focus is one of the main sources of variation in West Germanic intonation. It determines the distribution or identity of pitch accents, and in addition may affect the phonetic realization of the intonation contour. We report the effects of focus type and of focus constituent size on the phonetic realization of nuclear falling accents in varieties of continental West Germanic. Speakers were drawn from six populations along the coastal line of the Netherlands and Northwestern Germany, covering Zeelandic Dutch, Hollandic Dutch, West Frisian, Dutch Low Saxon, German Low Saxon, and Northern High German. Our findings suggest that focus structure has systematic effects on segmental durations, the scaling and timing of the accentual f0 gesture, and on the alignment of f0 targets relative to the beginning of the accented word. However, the difference between neutral focus and corrective focus has more systematic effects than variation in the size of the focused constituent with corrective focus. In addition, speakers from different places were found to adopt different strategies in signaling these focus structures. Speakers of Hollandic Dutch and West Frisian expanded the pitch span on the accented word, whereas speakers of Low and High German rescaled single targets of the accentual f0 gesture. Speakers of Zeelandic Dutch and Dutch Low Saxon mixed both strategies. AG1 53

73 Haus 6, Raum S12 Accounting for the prosodic phrasing of Clitic Left-Dislocations in Romance and Bantu Elisabeth Delais-Roussarie / U. Paris Diderot Ingo Feldhausen / U. Paris Diderot, U. Paris 3, U. Frankfurt Cédric Patin / U. Lille Freitag, 15.3., 11:30 12:00 AG1 Clitic Left-Dislocations (CLLD) are characterized by expressing the informational status of givenness across (non-polysynthetic) languages (e.g. López 2009). This special syntactic configuration is very common in Romance and Bantu languages. However, the prosodic marking of CLLD is quite diverse in these language families. While Romance languages typically display a prosodic boundary after the CLLD constituent, Bantu languages strongly differ in the obligatoriness of that boundary. In a first step, the paper examines the prosodic phrasing of CLLD in different Bantu and Romance languages. In a second step, an analysis of the phrasing patterns is presented in an Optimality- Theoretic (OT) version of the edge-based framework, in which the constraint ALIGNTOPIC,R (Feldhausen which requires the alignment of the right edge of a left-dislocated topic phrase to the right edge of a prosodic phrase) plays a fundamental role. Left-Dislocations are characterized by the presence of a phrase in the first position of the clause [bold letters in (1)] which is connected with that clause through the intermediary of some anaphoric element [italic letters in (1)] (Alexiadou 2006:668). (1) (La lámpara) H (la regalamos a unos vecinos) The lamp, we offered some neighbors. [Spanish] The Spanish example in (1), illustrates the typical phrasing pattern of CLLD objects in Romance. In simple clauses, the CLLD constitutes a prosodic phrase of its own (phrasing is indicated by parentheses), and the prosodic boundary at its right edge is marked by a high edge tone H (see Delais- Roussarie et al for French, Astruc 2005, Feldhausen 2010 for Catalan, Frascarelli 2000 for Italian, and Feldhausen 2012 for Spanish). In Bantu languages, there are three phrasing patterns: (a) CLLD displays an obligatorily boundary at its right edge, similar to Romance languages (see Jokweni 1995 for Xhosa, Downing et al for Chichewa, and Patin 2007 for Shingazidja), (b) CLLD obligatorily phrases with following material (cf. (2), see Zerbian 2006 for Sotho), and (c) the right boundary is optional (cf. 54

74 Haus 6, Raum S12 (3), see Cheng & Downing 2009 and Downing 2011 for Zulu). In both Sotho and Zulu, penultimate lengthening marks the prosodic boundary at the right edge. (2) (mo-sádi ke a mmó:na) CL1-woman 1 st -A- OC1-see [Sotho] The woman, I see her. (Zerbian 2006:252) (3) a. (ámá-bhayiséki:li) (si-wá-ník-ê: ábá-ntwa:na) 6-bicycle we-om6-give-tam 2-child The bicycles, we gave them to the children. b. (ama-thíkíthí [e]si-tímel u-wa-théng e-m-shín-i:-ni) 6-ticket 7-train you-om6-buy Loc-9-machine The train tickets, you buy them from the machine. [Zulu] In our analysis, we argue for a reranking of ALIGNTOPIC,R together with different constraints that are generally relevant for prosodic phrasing (such as ALIGN-XP,R (Selkirk 1995), *P-PHRASE (Truckenbrodt 1999), and MAX- BIN (Selkirk 2000, Sandalo & Truckenbrodt 2002). By ranking the constraint ALIGNTOPIC,R either high (Romance, Xhosa) or low (Sotho) or in the middle range (Zulu) in interaction with the other constraints, we explain the different groupings of CLLD structures in these languages. The arising factorial typology does not only match the different prosodic patterns, it also provides evidence for the universal status of ALIGNTOPIC,R. AG1 Interrelation between subjecthood, referential status and prosody Cíntia Antão, Pablo Arantes, and Maria Luiza Cunha Lima U. Federal de Minas Gerais Freitag, 15.3., 12:00 12:30 We investigated how syntactic position affects the prosodic prominence of given and new referents in Brazilian Portuguese. Discursive saliency comes from different sources. One of them is giveness, syntactic position is another: new referents are viewed as more salient than given ones [1] and subjects are regarded as more syntactically salient than objects [2]. Whereas the role of prosody as a correlate of giveness has received attention ([3], inter alia) it remains an open question how the combination of syntactic saliency and giveness influence referents prosodic form. We used 24 target words to create two-sentence narratives. All experimental items were Subject-Verb-Object 55

75 Haus 6, Raum S12 AG1 sentences, following Brazilian Portuguese canonical word order. Each target word appeared in the four conditions created by two variables with two levels - giveness (new and given) and syntactic position (subject and object) -, comprising 96 narratives. Four Brazilian Portuguese native speakers recorded two repetitions of the stimulus list. We measured target words acoustic duration, mean F0 and standard deviation and compared time-normalized F0 contours in the different conditions. Results suggest a syntactic position effect. Prosodic contrast between new and given is maximal when referents are in subject position: new referents are longer, have higher F0 mean and standard deviation than given ones. Given F0 contours are flattened while new have a rising NP-initial tonal movement. Contrast is minimal when both referents are objects. In this case, regardless of givenness, contours are similar: NP-initial movement is neither as flat as in given-subjects nor rises so high as in new-subjects. References [1] Gundel, J., N. Hedberg & R. Zacharski (1993) Cognitive status and the form of referring expressions in discourse. Language 69: [2] Gordon, P., & Hendrick, R. (1998). The representation and processing of coreference in discourse. Cognitive Science, 22: [3] Baumann, S. & Grice, M. (2006). The Intonation of Accessibility. Journal of Pragmatics 38: The prosodic and the syntactic means of marking focus in Estonian Nele Salveste, Ludwig-Maximilian-U. Munich Freitag, 15.3., 12:30 13:00 The current investigation is concerned with the relation of syntax and prosody for communicating focus in Estonian, a language with flexible word order. The more specific question to be addressed is whether focus perception in Estonian depends primarily on syntax, or whether prosody has an equally important function in this regard. In order to do so, sentence-final position, which has been shown to be a salient marker of focus in Estonian (Lindström, 2006), was tested against prosodic prominence for its effectiveness in communicating focus. A perception experiment as a forced choice task with manipulated speech was carried out. Sentences with varying word order and accent placement were presented in pairs to listeners. The test-sentences consisted of verb (V) and varied order of adverb (A) and object (O): VAO and VOA respectively. The pitch contours were manipulated so, that only one highly salient pitch 56

76 Haus 6, Raum S12 peak occurred pro sentence. The first vowel of either A or of the O carried the pitch peak with a rise of 100 Hz and a fall of 105 Hz. The verb carried a non-prominent pitch peak with a rise of 10 Hz in the first syllable. The pitch in non-pitch-accented constituent was level. Each pair was presented with a context that implied focus either in the O ( What we re going to paint in the yard? ) or in the A ( Where we re going to paint the boat? ) and the task of the listener was to judge which of the two test-sentences presented in a pair matched the best with the presented context. The 23 subjects assigned 12 different stimulus sentences in 6 pairs with 2 different contexts. The results from this experimental setup suggest that the pitch accent has a prominent role in eliciting focus perception and it overrides the pragmatic information carried by the sentence-final position. Shifting the location of the pitch accent elicits two different meanings in segmentally same sentences. VAO* and the VA*O (asterisk indicates the location of the pitch accent) have different meanings: in the former the O, in the latter the A is in focus. The same difference in meanings holds for the VOA* and VO*A as well; either O or A that is pitch-accented is in focus. Though, the VO*A also elicited focus perception in A slightly over 50%. Therefore the tentative supposition that the word order and the syntactic role of the constituent might interact in focus expression will be discussed. It seems that like in Georgian (Skopeteas et al. 2009) there might be word orders in Estonian that carry a stronger pragmatic meaning than others and they cannot be overridden by the prosody. AG1 References Lindström, L. (2006). Infostruktuuri osast eesti keele sõnajärje muutumisel. Keel ja Kirjandus, 11, Skopeteas, S., Féry C., Rusudan A. (2009). Word order and intonation in Georgian. Lingua, 119, The prosodic realization of broad and narrow focus in Hungarian Susanne Genzel 3, Shinichiro Ishihara 1,5, Sara Myrberg 1,4, Fabian Schubö 1, Balázs Surányi 2, and Ádám Szalontai 2 1 Goethe-U. Frankfurt, 2 Hungarian Academy of Sciences, 3 U. Potsdam, 4 Stockholm U., 5 U. Stuttgart Freitag, 15.3., 13:00 13:30 Introduction: Hungarian routinely marks focus in its syntax by fronting the narrow focussed constituent to an immediately pre-verbal position. This syntactic position coincides in an unmarked prosodic representation with the position of default sentence-level prominence (É. Kiss 1994, 2002). Hungarian 57

77 Haus 6, Raum S12 AG1 is thus a syntactic adjustment language in the sense of Büring (2010). Under the assumption that focus wants to be maximally prominent (Truckenbrodt 1995, Büring 2010), constituent ordering is employed to make sure that the focus surfaces in a position to which prosodic prominence is assigned by default (Szendrői 2003). The main question of interest is whether in Hungarian narrow focus is nevertheless realized prosodically different from broad focus. We further investigated whether contrastive narrow focus has an additional prosodic effect and whether the discourse status of the background affects the prosodic realization. Experiment: The production experiment was based on sentences in (1), where YP and ZP are postverbal constituents, and XP_VM is a so-called verbal modifier (VM) that must occupy an immediate preverbal position in a broad focus sentence that does not contain a verbal particle (=Prt). In sentences with a narrowly focused XP_VM a Prt was present in a post-verbal positon, functioning as an unambiguous surface syntactic cue indicating that the pre-verbal element is a narrow focus. (1) Topic XP_VM V (Prt) YP ZP e.g. Ilona lábon lövi meg Adélt a film végén Ilona shoots Adel on the leg at the end of the movie. Each target sentence was inserted in five different contexts, either in a broad focus context (all new), which serves as baseline for comparison, or one of four different contexts eliciting the information structures/status displayed in (2). (2) [Background TOP] [Focus VM] +/-given +/-contrastive [Background V... ] +/-given In total 640 sentences were recorded (8 (speakers) x 4 (items) x 4 (repetitions) x (5 conditions)). Results: In broad focus, Topic (TOP) and the verbal modifier (VM) were realised with a plateau (H* H*L) or two falling accents (H*L H*L) in 57% of all cases. In 28% TOP was unaccented (Ø H*L) and in 15% VM (H*L Ø). The H tones in the two accents pattern stand in a downstep relationship. Narrow focus on VM, contrastive or not, leads to a higher percentage (72%) of unaccented TOP. In 23% two falling accents (H*L H*L) were realised which stand in an upstep relationship. Constrastive focus does not have an effect on acceent distribution. Givenness on TOP results in a decrease of H*L H*L usages (23% - 6,3%); duration decreases significantly. Giveness in the 58

78 Haus 6, Raum S12 post VM area leads to higher percentages of unaccented constituents. Discussion: The results show that Hungarian realizes narrow focus prosodically different from broad focus. Pre-focal deaccentuation of one word topics is the common strategy to mark focus on VM. If accents are maintained they show an upstep relation which points to a difference in prosodic phrase structure. Giveness on TOP leads to shortening but not necessarily to deaccentuation, hence it can occur independent of giveness. AG1 59

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80 Arbeitsgruppe 2 Information Structural Evidence in the Race for Salience Anke Holler Miriam Ellert Workshop description AG2 Several linguistic devices may signal differences in the information structure: intonation, word order, particles, and anaphoric expressions. Interestingly, studies on pronoun resolution have so far in general understood these devices as resolution cues, i.e. subject antecendents being preferred over object antecedents (grammatical role) or first-mentioned antecedents being preferred over second-mentioned antecedents (position) with the possible explanation that they elevate the degree of salience of the antecedent. Information structure was understood as one cue among this set (topic vs. non-topic). However, understanding grammatical role, position and anaphoric expressions all as linguistic devices marking information structure calls for the need to take a different perspective in future studies and to discuss possible methods to experimentally address these issues. Moreover, since resolution studies usually manipulated antecedentanaphor relationships on the two-sentence level, it may be asked how information structural effects come into play in a discourse richer context. The aim of this working section is to bring together researchers from the two fields of research and to discuss the link of information structure and anaphora resolution. We particularly welcome contributions (in English or German) from researchers who theoretically focus on anaphora resolution incorporating effects of information structure, or from experimentalists who are interested in the interplay of linguistic devices encoding information structure, 61

81 Haus 6, Raum S13 and anaphora resolution. We are also interested in contributions which understand anaphora resolution in a discourse richer context, or which approach the topic cross-linguistically, historically or from an acquisitional perspective, or which have used different empirical methods to access these issues. AG2 Strict Interfaces, Overbinding and the Acquisition Challenge Tom Roeper / U. of Massachusetts Amherst Mittwoch, 13.3., 14:00 15:00 The addition of interfaces to UG presents an immediate learnability problem. One of the advantages of the theory of autonomous modules (the autonomy of syntax) was that it restricted the set of possible grammars allowed by UG. In principle, interfaces allow a geometric increase in the set of possible grammars. Therefore, the notion of Strict Interfaces (Roeper, 2011) states that the connection point between modules will be minimal and highly restricted. Discourse appears to open the floodgates to excessive connections, hence the principles behind anaphora resolution are both a learnability and a theoretical challenge. Early proposals were (Karmiloff-Smith, 1992) that children allowed free inference in linking to context. Moore (1999) showed that 85% of 3-yr-old children were able to reject a contextual (he = Ernie) referent when given the scenario, calling for binding with Bert: Bert plays basketball [picture], Does he play baseball [picture of Ernie playing baseball] Nevertheless, the DSLT (Seymour, Roeper, devilliers, 2005) showed that many children, particularly disordered ones, allowed a reference between pronoun and quantifier across a sentence boundary: John saw every child. [picture of man and three children] He played the piano. [picture of man playing piano or picture of each child playing piano] Significant numbers of children from 1200 examined allowed the link to the every child, which we call overbinding. The theory of telescoping (Roberts, 1987; Fox, 1999) suggests a sophisticated effort to incorporate information as a restrictor in discourse. We argue that children do this and adults 62

82 Haus 6, Raum S13 gradually restrict this effect. Rodriguez (2010) argues for similar phenomena as a form of co-relative. We will further explore children s overgeneralization of ellipsis as a related phenomenon. References Roeper, Tom (2011): Strict Interfaces and three kinds of Multiple Grammar. In: Rinke, Esther and Tanja Kupisch (eds.): The Development of Grammar: Language acquisition and diachronic change. In honour of Jürgen M. Meisel. Karmiloff- Smith, Annette (1992): Beyond Modularity: A Developmental Perspective on Cognitive Science. Seymour, Harry N., Roeper, Tom & de Villiers, Jill G. (2000, unpublished). Dialect Sensitive Language Test (DSLT). San Antonio TX: The Psychological Corporation. Craige Roberts, Modal Subordination, Anaphora and Distributivity (January 1, 1987). Electronic Doctoral Dissertations for UMass Amherst. Paper AAI Fox, Danny (1999): Focus, Parallelism and Accommodation. SALT 9. Factors determining salience in Old High German Augustin Speyer / U. Göttingen Mittwoch, 13.3., 15:00 15:30 Old High German (OHG) is a partial pro-drop language: A subject pronoun may be realized by a zero pronoun (1a), a personal pronoun (1c) or a demonstrative pronoun (1b). While it is feasible to assume that the choice is influenced by salience - the more salient the referent is, the less substantial is the referring expression (cf. e.g. Ariel 1990) - it is not clear what the factors determining salience are. Factors that are under discussion in general range from discourse or information structural parameters such as centerhood, discourse coherence on a more general level, discourse topichood (Bosch & Umbach 2007), or matrix versus subordinate quality of the clause containing the referring expression to semantic properties of the referent or other expressions in the clause such as verb type, thematic role or animateness of the referent (Bittner & Kuehnast 2012). AG2 (1) a. Tho sin githígini zi imo ríaf, tho ér in themo When his band-of-warriors to him called when he in the skífe sliaf, irwágtun Ø thuruh fórahta: tho er thaz zéichan ship slept waked.3.pl through fear then he the sign worahta. worked 63

83 Haus 6, Raum S13 When his disciples called to him, while he slept in the ship, and waked him, frightened, then he wrought the miracle. (Otfrid, Ev. 3, 14, 59-60) b. Thaz mári ward ouh mánagfalt ubar Júdeono lant, ubar the tidings was also multifarious over Jews country over líuti manage. Thie fúaraun al zisáme people many these went all together c. Sie gérotun al bi mánne inan zi rínanne They desired all by man him to meet The tidings (=that Jesus was there) became widely known throughout Judea and to many people. They went all together (sc. to see him). They all desired to meet him, one by one. (Otfrid, Ev. 2,14, 5-7) AG2 The present study attempts to determine the role the factors identified above have on the choice of referential expression in OHG. To this end an analysis of parts of Otfrid s Evangelienbuch - which is the only long original (i.e. non-translation) OHG text available to us; the fact that it is not in prose is irrelevant for the question at hand - was undertaken. One result is that semantic factors have more weight than hitherto assumed. Especially a version of animacy plays a role: nomina sacra are treated differently from normal animate referents in that they are referred to by expressions associated with higher salience than they actually have. This effect interacts with discourse topichood. References Ariel, Mira (1990): Accessing NP antecedents. London: Routledge. Bittner, Dagmar & Milena Kuehnast (2012): Comprehension of intersentential pronouns in child German and child Bulgarian. First Language 32, Bosch, Peter & Carla Umbach (2007): Reference determination for Demonstrative Pronouns. In: Bittner, Dagmar & Natalia Gargarina (eds): Intersentential Pronominal Reference in Child and Adult Language. ZASPiL 48. Berlin: ZAS, Indefinite dies and discourse salience Klaus von Heusinger / U. zu Köln Annika Deichsel / U. Stuttgart Mittwoch, 13.3., 15:30 16:00 German indefinite dies is assumed to have the same main properties as English indefinite this: it behaves like a referential indefinite determiner (Prince 64

84 Haus 6, Raum S , Ionin 2006). Prince (1981) argues that the function of indefinite this (as opposed to the unmarked indefinite article a(n)) is to signal to the hearer that more information about the referent introduced is coming - this is also referred to as secondary topic. In a story continuation study we investigated if there is a difference with respect to the discourse salience between referential indefinite dies and the specific reading of the indefinite article ein. Their discourse salience is empirically measured by adopting three parameters: (i) referential persistence or the number or anaphoric re-mentions of the referent in the subsequent discourse after its introduction (Gernsbacher & Shroyer 1989), (ii) topic shift potential or the likelihood of a referent to be re-mentioned as a topic at all (counts only the first time, when a referent is re-mentioned as a topic) and (iii) topic persistence or the overall number of anaphoric re-mentions as a topic in the subsequent discourse (Givón 1983). The study was designed as a story continuation experiment (written version of Gernsbacher & Shroyer (1989)). The participants (n=24) read mini discourses and were asked to produce 6 coherent continuation sentences. The form of the critical referents in the trigger discourses was manipulated, resulting in two conditions: (i) indefinite-dies NPs vs. (ii) simple indefinite NPs marked with specific ein. The construction of the test items (n=10) forced an unambiguously specific interpretation (in terms of wide-scope interpretation) on the critical referents: they were embedded under a verb of propositional attitude, and anaphorically picked up by a pronoun in the next sentence - one of the main indicators for a (scopally) specific reading of the indefinite. (Peter will nächste Woche diese/eine Spanierin besuchen. Er hat sie letztes Jahr in Barcelona kennengelernt. Peter wants to visit this/a Spanish girl next week. He met her in Barcelona last year. ) The continuations received by the participants were then coded with respect to the three parameters introduced above. The main results show that (i) referential persistence, (ii) the topic shift potential, and (iii) the topic persistence of the referents of the specific noun phrases headed by indefinite dies is significantly higher compared to the values with respect to the three parameters of the referents headed by specific noun phrases with ein (for all three parameters p<0,0001 in the Wilcoxon two sample rank sum test). AG2 65

85 Haus 6, Raum S13 all 720 sent. average p. story (= 6 sent.) dies ein dies ein referential persistence ,0 1,3 topic persistence ,6 0,3 topic shift potential ,0 0,3 Table 1: Referential persistence, topic persistence and topic shift potential of critical referents, total values in 120 stories/condition (10TI x 12 participants in each condition), with 6 sentence of each story (720 sentences) Indefinite dies significantly raises the salience of the associated discourse referent. This result indicates that notions like referentiality or topicality, which are defined in terms of sentence semantics, are also crucial for building up the salience structure of a discourse. AG2 References Gernsbacher, Morton Ann & Suzanne Shroyer (1989): The Cataphoric Use of the Indefinite this in Spoken Narratives. Memory and Cognition 17, Givón, Talmy (1983): Topic Continuity in Discourse: An Introduction. In: Givón, Talmy (ed.): Topic Continuity in Discourse. A Quantitative Cross-Language Study. Amsterdam/Philadelphia, Ionin, Tania (2006): This is Definitely Specific: Specificity and Definiteness in Article Systems. Natural Language Semantics 14, Prince, E. (1981): On the Inferencing of Indefinite-this NPs. In: Joshi, Aravind, Webber, Bonnie & Ivan Sag (eds.): Elements of Discourse Understanding. Cambridge, Demonstrative Pronouns as Bound Variables? Stefan Hinterwimmer / U. Osnabrück Mittwoch, 13.3., 16:30 17:00 Bosch and Umbach (2006) have shown that German demonstrative pronouns (henceforth: D-pronouns) such as der/die/das in contrast to personal pronouns have a strong bias against being resolved to discourse topics (Prince 1992), where discourse topics are in the default case (but not necessarily) realized as grammatical subjects. In this talk I focus on cases where D-pronouns seem to function as variables bound by quantificational DPs. In contrast to personal pronouns, D-pronouns are subject to two constraints in such environments: First, they cannot be bound by quantificational DPs with a covert restrictor, such as jeder/keiner. Secondly, they cannot by bound by DPs functioning as grammatical subjects. 66

86 Haus 6, Raum S13 From these observations, I draw the following conclusions: First, D-pronouns in contrast to personal pronouns can never function as bound variables (Wiltschko 1999). Rather, they are always definite descriptions with a covert NP, where the covert NP denotes a free variable ranging over predicates. The value of the respective variable is determined on the basis of contextual information (cf. Elbourne s 2005 analysis of donkey pronouns). Now, in order for D-pronouns to receive readings according to which their value varies with the value of the variable bound by a quantificational DP (i.e. what seem to be bound-variable-readings), two conditions need to be fulfilled: (a) The predicate variable needs to be resolved to the predicate denoted by the NPcomplement of the respective quantificational determiner, which is impossible if there is no such NP-complement. (b) The D-pronoun needs to contain a situation variable that is bound by the respective quantificational DP. Now, in order to account for the contrast between the anti-topicality bias in the coreferential cases and the anti-subject bias in the (indirect) binding cases, I assume that D-pronouns come with a constraint against the free predicate variable they are associated with being resolved to the currently most salient predicate, but that in the two cases different strategies apply in determining the most salient predicate: In the coreferential cases, where there is no particular structural relation required to obtain between pronoun and antecedent, discourse relations are crucial. In the binding cases, in contrast, there is a structural relation between the D-pronoun and the quantificational DP, since the former contains a situation variable to be bound by the latter under (LF) c- command. Therefore, what counts as the most salient predicate is determined in purely structural terms, namely as the predicate denoted by the NP contained in the structurally most prominent DP, which is the grammatical subject. AG2 References Bosch, Peter & Carla Umbach (2007): Reference Determination for Demonstrative Pronouns. In: Bittner, Dagmar & Natalia Gargarina (eds.): Intersentential Pronominal Reference in Child and Adult Language, ZAS Papers in Linguistics No 48. Berlin, Elbourne, Paul (2005): Situations and Individuals. Cambridge, Massachusetts. Wiltschko, Martina (1998): On the Syntax and Semantics of (Relative) Pronouns and Determiners. In: The Journal of Comparative Germanic Linguistics 2(2),

87 Haus 6, Raum S13 Physical salience and cognitive salience Frédéric Landragin / U. Paris Mittwoch, 13.3., 17:00 17:30 AG2 Salience phenomena put an element from a linguistic or visual message forward ( pop-up effect). By confronting works resulting from various research fields, and with the aim to apprehend salience as a general cognitive mechanism, we propose a classification of the factors that make an entity salient in a linguistic utterance or in a visual scene. The factors cover prosodic, lexical, syntactic, semantic, as well as pragmatic aspects. Therefore, salience covers several markers, several linguistic notions (e.g. notions from the information structure), and grows up as a multifaceted notion. With our classification, we emphasize the links between salience and topic, salience and focus, etc. Some of these factors depend only on the physical characteristics of the message and its context. We then talk about physical salience (P-salience). Other factors depend on the subject s specificities, intentions, and cognitive processes. We then talk about cognitive salience (C-salience). We show that P-salience and C-salience concepts do not rely on the modality (linguistic or visual) to which they apply. This allows us to lay the foundations for a generic characterization of salience: we show that visual salience and linguistic salience are two facets of the same concept, and that a multidisciplinary confrontation is able to give some light to problems dealing with salience definition and scope. Moreover, the diversity of salience features as well as the diversity of salience-oriented linguistic analyses leads us to think about several salience hierarchies that work together. Unlike Centering Theory and similar approaches that consider only one Centre (one salient entity) at any time, we explore several dimensions of analysis in order to apprehend several simultaneous saliencies. That leads us to a composite model of salience in discourse. References Alshawi H. (1987) Memory and Context for Language Interpretation, Cambridge, Cambridge University Press. Grosz B. J., Joshi A. K., Weinstein S. (1995) Centering: A Framework for Modelling the Local Coherence of Discourse, Computational Linguistics, 21:2, pp Lambrecht K. (1994) Information Structure and Sentence Form, Cambridge, Cambridge University Press. Landragin F. (2004) Saillance physique et saillance cognitive, Cognition, Représentation, Langage, 2:2, Stevenson R. J. (2002) The Role of Salience in the Production of Referring Expressions, In van Deemter K., Kibble R. (Eds.) Information Sharing, Stanford, CSLI Publications, pp

88 Haus 6, Raum S13 Information structure and final particles Alexander Haselow / U. Rostock Mittwoch, 13.3., 17:30 18:00 In present-day English and German a number of lexemes can be used utterancefinally, i.e. outside the syntactic structure (or syntactic field ) of an utterance, in order to create anaphoric reference to the immediately preceding discourse segment (i.e. an utterance with a particular propositional content) and to organize the information flow in ongoing conversation. These lexemes, which have the status of particles, have important information structural effects as they mark an utterance as noninitial, i.e. as reactive to some prior discourse segment that functions as antecedent, and change the information status of the prior segment in a particular way, i.e. into an implied conditional protasis (final then), a conditional concession (anyway) or they reduce the information status of that segment to various degrees, including the cancelling of its propositional content (final though in self-corrections) (see (1)). (1) a A: uhm well there s no seats in the morning do you want me to check the afternoon 199 B: yeah check the afternoon then [ICE-GB s1a-074] = if p 1, as is the case: p 2 b. 67 A: so she was trapped into staying at home and mangling the shirts 68 B: I think she would have stayed at home and mangled the shirts anyway [ICE-GB s1b-046] = even if/even though p 1 or any p x : p 2 c. 169 A: we haven t done that 170 well I did it once though only once [ICE-GB s1a-068] = although p 1 was produced: delete p 1 since p 2 AG2 As these examples from English show, final particles are important devices for structuring information in unplanned speech production, where each new speaker needs to integrate his/her utterance into the emerging context, thereby establishing an implicit anaphoric relation to the propositional content of the prior utterance (see Haselow 2012). Based on corpus data from the spoken component of the International Corpus of English (ICE - Great Britiain) and from the Korpus für gesprochene Sprache (IDS Mannheim) I will show that in English and German final particles are minimal devices for conversational activities that target both the information content of a prior utterance (anaphoric reference) and that of the current utterance. Moreover, final particles can be 69

89 Haus 6, Raum S13 used to compress implied information into the utterance they accompany, i.e. they create a link between a non-verbalized proposition that is assumed to be at hand by the speaker, and the current utterance. This property, which coincides with that of German modal particles (e.g. Diewald 2006), represents a new dimension in structuring information since in these cases anaphoric reference is made to a unit outside the discourse world, i.e. the antecedent must be reconstructed by the hearer. References Diewald, Gabriele (2006): Discourse particles and modal particles as grammatical elements. In: Fischer, Kerstin (ed.): Approaches to discourse particles. Amsterdam, Haselow, Alexander (2012): Subjectivity, intersubjectivity and the negotiation of common ground in spoken discourse: Final particles in English. In: Language & Communication 32(2), AG2 Talking about emotions - an experimental study of participles as information structure devices Milena Kuehnast / Freie U. Berlin Winfried Menninghaus / Freie U. Berlin Thomas Jacobsen / Helmut-Schmidt-U. Hamburg Mittwoch, 13.3., 18:00 18:30 In linguistic theory information structure is a term to address the topic-focus configuration of sentences and discourse units with respect to morpho-syntactic and intonation markers of given and new information, referents and propositional attitudes. In this paper we ll approach information structure in terms of the underlying mental situation models, as we believe that the basic goal of linguistic communication is to achieve appropriate updates and synchronisation of situation models represented in the interlocutors minds. As they denote subjectively experienced affective states, emotion verbs conspicuously instantiate the manifold alternatives of structuring sentences to highlight specific bits of information. Verbs like admire and astonish are understood as closest synonyms, basically referring to the same affective state, but exhibiting different syntactic behaviour. With respect to the proto-typical argument realisation of thematic roles they represent the classes of Experiencer-Subject (admire) and Stimulus-Subject verbs (astonish). The different argument structures and the availability of reflexive and passive constructions have been accounted for 70

90 Haus 6, Raum S13 in terms of causal attribution (Pesetsky1995) but this analysis has been challenged on theoretical and psycholinguistic grounds (Jackendoff, 2007; Härtl, 2001). Taking a cognitive approach to the peculiarities of emotion verbs, we pursue the idea that speakers may refer to different aspects of a given emotion concept. As concepts are formed through the accumulation of personal episodic experiences, the represented event structure or relevant aspects thereof should be prominently reflected in lexical choice (admire vs. astonish) and derived forms (astonishing vs. astonished). The different aspectual properties of past and present participles allow a closer look at the event structure of emotion verbs streaming our attention to different elements of the represented situation. The results of a large free word association study (995 native speakers) investigating the conceptual structure of present and past participles of emotion verbs in German freely lend themselves to the proposed line of reasoning. The associative patterns revealed through metric MDS plots are feasible in terms of psychologically pertinent factors like arousal and inherent pleasantness. The data also provides evidence that present and past participles differ as information structure devices by focussing attention on features of the eliciting situation, and on feeling qualities and other properties of the experienced emotional state, respectively. AG2 References Jackendoff, R. (2007). Language, consciousness, culture. Essays on mental structure. Cambridge: MIT Press. Härtl, H. (2001): Cause and change. Thematische Relationen und Ereignisstrukturen in Konzeptualisierung und Grammatikalisierung. Berlin: Akademie Verlag. Pesetsky, D. (1995). Zero Syntax: Experiencers and cascades. Cambridge: MIT Press. Syntactic structure, information structure, and lexical effects on null and overt subject comprehension in Spanish Jeffrey T. Runner / U. of Rochester, New York Donnerstag, 14.3., 09:00 10:00 With graduate student Alyssa Ibarra, I have been examining the factors that affect the choice of overt and null subject pronoun use in Spanish. Our research takes as its starting point Carminati s (2002) observation that in Italian, null subjects are preferably understood to refer to a preceding subject NP while overt pronoun subjects are preferably understood to refer to a preceding object NP. This generalization, the position of antecedent hypothesis, 71

91 Haus 6, Raum S13 (PAH) was tested by Alonso-Ovalle et al. (2002) in Spanish examples like (1). (1) Juan pegó a Pedro. (Él) Está enfadado. Juan hit Pedro (He) is angry. Juan hit Pedro. He is angry. AG2 They found that while null subjects showed a strong bias for a preceding subject antecedent (consistent with the PAH), overt pronoun subjects showed no strong preference (i.e., the subject bias exhibited by the null pronominal was neutralized). In a series of written production (sentence completion), written comprehension, and visual world eye-tracking studies, we manipulate a variety of factors syntactic structure, information structure, lexical bias to further test the preferences of null and overt pronominal subjects in Spanish. Our goal is to understand the degree to which the PAH holds that is if particular information structural, syntactic structural, or lexical manipulations can influence the null and overt pronominal subject biases. Preliminary results using written materials suggest that the subject bias of the null subject can be modulated by verb implicit causality and subject vs. object focus; on-going visual world eye-tracking studies further testing these manipulations using auditory stimuli will provide information about these preferences as different information becomes available over time (see also Pyykkönen & Järvikivi 2010). References Alonso-Ovalle, L., S. Fernández-Solera, L. Frazier and C. Clifton, Jr. (2002). Null vs. Overt Pronouns and the Topic-Focus Articulation in Spanish. Rivista di Linguistica 14.2: Carminati, M.N. (2002). The Processing of Italian Subject Pronouns. Ph.D. Dissertation, UMass-Amherst. Pyykkönen, P. and J. Järvikivi (2010). Activation and Persistence of Implicit Causality Information in Spoken Language Comprehension. Experimental Psychology 57(1):5-16. The effect of local discourse coherence on pronoun resolution: an eye-tracking study Clare Patterson / U. Potsdam Donnerstag, 14.3., 10:00 10:30 The effect of local discourse coherence on pronoun resolution: an eye-tracking study It has long been acknowledged that discourse information plays a role in pronoun resolution, and that pronouns tend to refer to discourse-prominent 72

92 Haus 6, Raum S13 entities. Researchers have exploited ideas from Centering Theory (CT) (Grosz et al. 1995) to evaluate the relative prominence of different entities. This experiment tested whether principles of CT can be applied to a complex discourse containing two antecedents in subject position. 32 native English speakers read 24 experimental items and 48 fillers while their eye movements were recorded. Items consisted of three sentences: context (i), critical (ii) and wrap-up. (i) The queen/the soldiers felt really quite uneasy about the squadron parade. (ii) Every soldier who knew that the queen was watching intently was absolutely convinced that he/she should wave as the parade passed. Alternation of the context sentence subject and the pronoun s gender produced four conditions. In congruent context sentences, the context sentence subject matched the pronoun (e.g. The queen...she). In incongruent context sentences, it mismatched. According to CT, pronouns are preferentially linked to the most prominent (highest ranked) antecedent. In congruent conditions the highest ranked antecedent matches in gender with the pronoun. In incongruent conditions the highest ranked antecedent mismatches in gender with the pronoun, which should produce processing disruption (longer reading times). The results in fact reliably showed the opposite effect; regression-path times at the pronoun were longer in the congruent condition. While the results cannot be accounted for under standard assumptions about highly ranked antecedents, it is possible that more subtle discourse factors played a role; for example the repetition of the antecedents in the critical sentence may have disturbed the coherence of the discourse, pushing the repeated antecedent down the prominence ranking. While CT (and other models) offer a useful toolset for describing prominence, further work needs to be done to capture how subtle alterations in coherence can alter the prominence of entities within a discourse during pronoun resolution. AG2 References Grosz Barbara, Joshi Aravind & Scott Weinstein (1995): Centering. A framework for modelling the local coherence of a discourse. In: Computational Linguistics 21,

93 Haus 6, Raum S13 AG2 The role of information structure on object pronoun resolution in Spanish: topic vs. focus Israel de la Fuente and Barbara Hemforth / U. Paris Diderot Donnerstag, 14.3., 10:30 11:00 The present study investigated if two fore-grounding devices (topicalization and focusing) had the same effect on participants antecedent choices for ambiguous object clitic pronouns in a questionnaire in Spanish. The results show that while topicalization increases the number of attachments to topicalized antecedents, focusing has the opposite effect (an anti-focus effect ). These results challenge previous theories of reference interpretation and accessibility. Previous psycholinguistic work has shown that pronouns are more likely to refer back to prominent antecedents (e.g. Ariel, 1990) and that one factor that affects antecedent prominence is its informational status in the sentence. Interestingly enough, recent studies on the role of information structure on pronoun resolution have yielded contradictory results (e.g. Cowles et al., 2007, for English; Colonna et al., in press, for French and German). Unlike previous studies that focused almost exclusively on subject pronouns, the present study investigated the effects of topicalization and focusing on object pronoun resolution in Spanish. Thirty-seven participants completed a questionnaire in which they were to select an antecedent for an ambiguous object pronoun in sentences like Alejandro golpeó a Alfonso antes de que Julia lo llamara Alejandro hit Alfonso before Julia called him. The results show a general object antecedent preference in a baseline condition. Crucially, however, subject and object antecedent attachments increased significantly with respect to the baseline condition when these were topicalized, evidencing a clear effect of topicalization. Focusing, on the other hand, had the opposite effect: antecedent attachments decreased significantly when these were in a focalized position, which evidences an anti-focus effect also attested in French and German subject pronoun resolution (cf. Colonna et al., in press). These results can be explained in terms of the discourse functions that topicalization and focusing serve: referring to a topicalized antecedent guarantees the continuity of discourse topics and contributes to discourse coherence (Givón, 1983); referring back to a focalized antecedent, which might constitute potentially new information (Erteschik-Shir, 1997), violates continuity and seems to be dispreferred, at least in intra-sentential anaphora. Crucially, the discrepancy between these two fore-grounding devices challenges the general idea that antecedent prominence is the single most important factor in 74

94 Haus 6, Raum S13 pronoun resolution. Additionally, the preference to attach object pronouns to preceding object antecedents goes against the hypothesis that discourse coherence stems from topic-continuity. The notion of discourse coherence in terms of resemblance (parallel) relations between two clauses (Kehler, 2002) might better account for our results. Comparative studies with clitic pronouns in French and full pronouns in German are currently underway. Demonstrative pronouns, referential function and discourse progression Petra B. Schumacher / Johannes Gutenberg-U. Mainz Manuel Dangl / U. zu Köln Donnerstag, 14.3., 11:30 12:00 Personal pronouns and demonstratives contribute differently to the management of information in discourse. While (unstressed) personal pronouns are the default means to indicate coreference with a salient discourse entity and function to maintain a discourse topic, demonstratives are used to refer to a less salient entity and serve to indicate topic shift. In the present investigation, we wanted to examine the time course of processing personal and demonstrative pronouns in German (er vs. der) and assess the impact of two salience features of the antecedent, thematic role and sentential position. We examined processing patterns of personal pronouns and demonstratives following context sentences containing two potential antecedents. In addition to the factor pronoun type, we varied the verb type (active accusative verbs (1) vs. dative experiencer verbs (2)) and the word order (canonical (a) vs. non-canonical (b); cf. Haider, 1993) in the context sentences to manipulate the antecedent s saliency. AG2 (1) a. Der Feuerwehrmann will den Jungen retten, (... ). Aber er / der... b. Den Jungen will der Feuerwehrmann retten, (... ). Aber er / der... (2) a. Dem Journalisten ist der Politiker aufgefallen, (... ). Aber er / der... b. Der Politiker ist dem Journalisten aufgefallen, (... ). Aber er / der... Previous research utilizing time-sensitive ERP measures has identified two core signatures during referential processing: i) an N400 reflecting deman- 75

95 Haus 6, Raum S13 ds involved in linking referential expressions with prior discourse, modulated by various salience features; ii) a Late Positivity reflecting discourse updating costs (Schumacher, 2009). Time-locked to the onset of the pronoun, the current ERPs revealed a biphasic N400-Late Positivity for demonstratives over personal pronouns. There were also subtle effects associated with the two salience features. The findings indicate that linking pronouns to previous discourse is intimately related to the antecedent s saliency - here modulated by thematic role and canonicity. Access to less salient entities (as assumed for demonstratives) results in linking costs. The additional topic shift signaled by demonstratives requires reorganization of the discourse-internal structure, which engenders discourse updating costs. Thus, while pronouns respond to anaphoric salience, demonstratives are involved in both anaphoric linking and discourse progression. AG2 Salience cues during spoken discourse comprehension Simone Falk / Ludwig-Maximilians-U. München Mittwoch 14, 12:00 12:30 Understanding spoken discourse is a complex task that implies monitoring and memorizing of relations between important discourse units. Discourse comprehension has therefore been described as a process entailing a continuous competition between attention and memory resources for the sake of discourse structure building (e.g. Gernsbacher 1990, Givon 1992). In this process, salient discourse units will easier get the attention of the listener (Chiarcos et al. 2011). Consequently, they will be encoded and memorized in more detail in subsequent discourse (i.e., more semantic features will be available), thus shaping expectancies in the process of comprehension. In my talk, I will outline an experimental setting in order to investigate how linguistic cues interact to shape the salience of spoken discourse units and how their interplay facilitates lexical access. The main idea is that the effect of salience cues in discourse comprehension is gradual. This will be reflected by the competition between attentional resources to these cues during online processing. In a series of experiments, the interplay of syntactic position, semantic prominence and prosodic cues are investigated with respect to anaphor resolution. The experiments presented are cross-modal priming experiments (e.g. Swinney 1979, Nicol et al. 1994). While listening to a spoken text excerpt, participants do lexical decision tasks on occasionally appearing written words that are semantically related or unrelated to words occurring in the spoken text. In a 76

96 Haus 6, Raum S13 first step, it will be examined how the resolution of a categorical anaphor that constitutes a discourse topic (like Geschirr) is influenced by gradual semantic relatedness of its antecedent (more vs. less representative hyponyms of the category, like Teller or Platte) and its syntactic position (prefield vs. middlefield) in German. Example of a critical test passage (embedded in further context): [... ] Den Teller stellte der Diener zwischen die Platte und den Zettel auf die oberste Ablage des Servierwagens. Das Geschirr zitterte stark in seinen Händen, [... ] It is hypothesized that prominent syntactic position (prefield) and typicality of the hyponym will enhance the salience of the discourse referent and therefore have an advantage in processing during anaphor resolution. In comparison, the same referent in the middlefield and less typical hyponyms in the same syntactic positions should show less or no priming effects. Experiments and analyses are still ongoing. However, preliminary results of a first experiment with 32 participants suggest an effect of typicality/syntactic position as formulated in the hypothesis. AG2 References Chiarcos, Christian, Claus, Berry & Michael Grabski (2011): Introduction: Salience in Linguistics and Beyond. In: Chiarcos, Christian, Claus, Berry & Michael Grabski (eds.): Salience. Multidisciplinary Perspectives on Its Function in Discourse. Berlin/New York, Gernsbacher, Morton Ann (1990): Language comprehension as structure building. Hillsdale. Givón, Talmy (1992): The grammar of referential coherence as mental processing instructions. Linguistics 30, Nicol, Janet, Fodor Janet Dean & David Swinney (1994): Using cross-modal lexical decision tasks to investigate sentence processing. In: Journal of Experimental Psychology: Learning Memory and Cognition 20, Swinney, David (1979): Lexical access during sentence comprehension: (Re)consideration of context effects. In: Journal of Verbal Learning and Verbal Behavior 18, How salient is salience in reference resolution? Miriam Ellert and Anke Holler / U. Göttingen Donnerstag, 14.3., 12:30 13:00 Previous research has identified several factors influencing reference resolution. For example studies on ambiguous pronoun resolution have found that following sentences as in (1), personal pronouns are preferably resolved towards NP1 (the doctor) due to its positional property (first-mentioned vs. 77

97 Haus 6, Raum S13 second-mentioned entity), to its grammatical role (subject vs. object) or due to its information structural status (topic vs. non-topic). Theories of reference have explained this co-reference relationship in terms of salience: the above mentioned factors mark NP1 as a more salient antecedent than NP2, therefore it is more accessible to speakers and hearers and more prominent to be chosen as a co-referent candidate for lexically less richer referential forms, such as personal pronouns (e.g. Ariel, 2001). (1) The doctor frightened the cook, because he... AG2 Moreover, other linguistic factors have been identified to at least interact with the above influencing factors, such as the implicit causality underlying the verb and coherence relations as encoded by the semantic type of connector used which may push resolution preferences to NP2 (the cook) as in (2) (e.g. Pyykkönen & Järvikivi, 2010; Kehler et al., 2008). In sentences (1) and (2), the pronoun following the causal connector because is resolved in the direction of the causality bias encoded by the verb (NP1 in (1), NP2 in (2)). (2) The doctor feared the cook, because he... (NP2 biasing verb) However, when the pronoun follows a contrastive connector as in (3), this relationship is reversed due to the denial of expectation character of the connector but. As Umbach & Stede (1999) have argued (for German), but may furthermore be used to signal incausality relationships. This in line with traditional claims according to which German aber may not only be used to mark a contrastive but also a concessive reading. (3) The doctor feared the cook, but he... (NP2 biasing verb, connector but) In the current talk, we would like to discuss how these different functions of the connector but influence the interpretation of ambiguous pronouns. We will present data from a German sentence completion experiment which shows that the interpretation of ambiguous pronouns highly depends on the type of verbs used and the semantics of the connector. On this basis we would like to discuss the question in which ways concepts of salience may explain the findings, and how these different linguistic means are used to signal information structure. References Ariel, M. (2001). Accessibility theory: An overview. In T. Sanders, J. Schilperoord & W. Spooren (Hg.) Text representation, linguistic and psycholinguistic 78

98 Haus 6, Raum S13 aspects (S ). Amsterdam/Philadelphia: John Benjamins. Kehler, A., Kertz, L., Rohde, H. & Elman, J. (2008). Coherence and Coreference Revisited. Journal of Semantics, 25 (1), Pyykkönen, P. & Järvikivi, J. (2010). Activation and Persistence of Implicit Causality Information in Spoken Language Comprehension. Experimental Psychology, 57 (1), Umbach, C. & Stede, M. (1999). Kohärenzrelationen: Ein Vergleich von Kontrast und Konzession. In Ch. Habel (Hrg.). Beiträge aus dem DFG-Schwerpunktprogramm Sprachproduktion. KIT-Report 148, Technische Universität Berlin. Introduction of referents A crosslinguistic study on language specific organisation of information Mary Carroll, Monique Flecken, and Christiane von Stutterheim U. Heidelberg, Donders Centrum, Nijmegen Freitag, 15.3., 11:30 12:30 AG2 The introduction of a referent to the domain of discourse is one of the general tasks which has to be solved in the context of language production. While all languages provide means for serving this function, the means used, however, vary across languages and so do the semantic implications for the construction of discourse. In our presentation we will compare English, French and German with respect to patterns observed in reference introduction. German speakers introduce new referents and link them to old information by different means, often placing it in focus position before the nonfinite verbal element: In der Landschaft fliegen Papiere (newly introduced) umher. English speakers prefer to introduce a new referent by means of the existential there is: There are papers flying around. French speakers have the option to use a left dislocation structure with il y a with a relative clause referring to the actual situation the entity is involved in: Il y a des feuilles de papier qui évoluent dans ce paysage. Based on a corpus of spoken narratives for the three language groups we will first give empirical evidence for how the different structures are used and how they differ in their consequences for the construction of discourse. We will then discuss the theoretical status of these structures with a particular focus on nominal versus verbal strategies in building informational units. In conclusion, we show how the specific structures used in the introduction 79

99 Haus 6, Raum S13 of referents are in accordance with language-specific patterns of information organization at discourse level. Topic markers and their role in the race of salience and anaphora resolution: the case of Romance languages Gerda Haßler / U. Potsdam Freitag, 15.3., 12:30 13:00 AG2 This paper shall show that there is a link between topic markers as means of information structure and anaphora resolution. It shall explore whether topic markers always allow the identification of the nominal reference element. A historical perspective has been chosen to study and compare the development of topic markers in four Romance languages (Spanish, Portuguese, French, Italian). The comparative analysis of the data shall aid in showing the different obligatory usage and functionality of the corresponding structures in Romance languages. Nominal topics must be taken up by a pronoun in the sentence, whereby it is possible to place the topic after the pronoun as anti-topic. Topic markers usually take a position outside of the sentence, have no pivotal importance for the truth value, and function pragmatically, i.e. they are viewed as something extra-grammatical. Topic markers like the fr. quant à, span. en cuanto a, port. quanto a are usually used today to topicalize a nominal element, thus contributing to anaphora resolution. In earlier stages of language development, however, one cannot always speak of a contribution to the identification of the antecedent of anaphora. Moreover, different parts of speech were topicalized. For example, the development of quant à to a common topic marker of the subject and to the dominance of the initial position first occurred in Middle French. In the 14th century, in still half of the cases, elements appeared which played no syntactic role in the succeeding sentence, whereas in the 15th century the subjects took first place in combination with quant à. The topicalized and dislocated element with quant à can function as a preposed complement of the sentence. The topicalized element may also have a thematic and semantic relation to a reference point in the sentence, but not be an argument of the sentence. Finally, a non-syntactic relation is also possible, which is based on the pragmatic relation of the relevance of the topic for the content of the sentence. 80

100 Haus 6, Raum S13 This paper shall explore why this diversity of topicalized elements from Middle French until today was made uniform to a great extent, and how parallel developments in other Romance languages are to be interpreted. One approach to an explanation can be seen in the increasing adoption of the function of anaphora resolution, which does not appear possible when there is a strong and regular variance of topicalized elements. References Combettes, Bernard & Catherine Schnedecker & Anne Theissen (éds.) (2003): Ordre et distinction dans la langue et le discours. Actes du Colloque international de Metz (18, 19, 20 mars 1999). Paris : Honoré Champion éditeur. Dufter, Andreas (2009): Clefting and discourse organization: Comparing Germanic and Romance. Focus and Background in Romance Languages (Studies in Language Companion Series 112). Amsterdam: John Benjamins, Haßler, Gerda (2011) : Grammatikalisierung oder Lexikalisierung? Zur Entwicklung von Topik- und Fokusmarkern in romanischen Sprachen. Sprachkontakte, Sprachvariation und Sprachwandel. Festschreift für Thomas Stehl zum 60. Geburtstag. Hrsg. von Claudia Schlaak und Lena Busse. Tübingen: Narr Verlag, AG2 Salience on the test stand: Referential choice in Yurakaré and Quichua Sonja Gipper / U. zu Köln Freitag, 15.3., 13:00 13:30 In this paper it is shown that salience does not explain the choice of referential expressions in all discourse genres in all languages. To support this claim, discourse data from two South American languages are presented, Yurakaré (Central Bolivia, unclassified) and Quichua (Ecuador, Quechuan). Cognitive theories of reference (e.g. Ariel 2001, Givón 1983) assume a form-function mapping of referential expressions on the basis of salience. They predict that fuller forms such as full NPs are used for cognitively less salient referents, while less full forms such as zero pronouns are used for cognitively highly salient entities. Pronominal forms are predicted to be in the middle of this scale. These predictions are not confirmed for the use of referential expressions in mythological narratives in Yurakaré and Quichua. In this discourse genre, both languages make frequent use of full NPs for highly accessible topical referents that were mentioned in the previous sentence. This suggests that salience is not the factor that determines referential choice in this discourse genre these two languages. Furthermore, pronouns occur very infrequently in Yurakaré and Quichua. When pronouns are used, they can refer to the topic 81

101 Haus 6, Raum S13 of the preceding clause, but their use is not restricted to such sentence-topical referents. It will be argued that for naturally occurring discourse, the notion of discourse topic may have greater explanatory power than the notion of sentence topic alone. Another point of this paper is that choice of referential expressions is genre-specific. For Yurakaré, mythological narrative data are compared to natural conversations. In natural conversations, we find that the pattern is more similar to the distribution expected by theories of reference based on salience. Thus, referential choice is not only a language-specific, but also a genre-specific phenomenon. References Ariel, Mira (2001): Accessibility theory: An overview. In: Sanders, Ted, Schilperoord, Joost & Wilbert Spooren (eds.): Text representation, linguistic and psycholinguistic aspects. Amsterdam/Philadelphia, Givón, Talmy (1983): Topic continuity in discourse: A quantitative cross-language study. Amsterdam/Philadelphia. AG2 Turkish optional case marking as an indicator of discourse salience Duygu Özge / U. Stuttgart Umut Özge / U. Stuttgart Klaus von Heusinger / U. zu Köln Freitag, 15.3., 13:30 14:00 In Turkish, preverbal indefinite direct objects are optionally marked with accusative case. Previous studies attributed backward-looking discourse effects to the marker, which takes the form of discourse-linking or partitivity.[1] Yet, various contexts do not produce these effects,[2] where it is hardly possible to characterize the contribution of the marker at sentence level semantics, calling for a global discourse perspective. It has been attested in Romanian that optional pe-marking contributes to the salience and thereby to the likelihood of re-mention of the object in the upcoming discourse.[3] Turkish accusative might have similar saliency effects. For instance, topical arguments, which are by definition salient, obligatorily receive the marker. However, it is yet to be investigated whether optional accusative on an indefinite object, compared to its zero-marked version, increases the likelihood of its anaphoric re-mention in the upcoming discourse. We report a story-completion study addressing this question. We constructed news-extracts composed of two sentences. Sentence-1 set the context and Sentence-2 introduced two referents: NP1-Subject and NP2-Object. 82

102 Haus 6, Raum S13 The case-marking on the NP2-Object was manipulated between accusative versus zero. All verbs were agent-theme-goal verbs (e.g., host somebody in a program, assign somebody to a position). However, due to the nature of the phenomenon some verbs assigned more causal power to the agents, thereby rendering the arguments semantically less reversible (e.g., an editor bringing a reporter to a post) while others allowed more reversible ones (e.g., an academician suggested a soldier as the council president). Thirty-three adult participants were asked to add one-sentence continuations[c.f.,4] to 30 newsextracts. The responses were coded as to which Referent-Type was chosen in the upcoming discourse (NP1-Subject, NP2-Object, Both, Other). As a measure of the discourse prominence, we calculated the proportion of each Referent- Type in all references. ANOVA with CaseXReferent-TypeXVerb-Type revealed a Case by Verb-Type interaction [F(1,32) = 4.73,p<.05]. NP2 was mentioned more often when NP2 in Sentence-2 was accusative-marked rather than zero-marked [F(1,5) = 29.55,p<.003] only for non-reversible verbs. The accusative-case significantly increased the probability of NP2-Object to be re-mentioned in the upcoming discourseonly in semantically nonreversible conditions. This corroborates the discourse effects of optional case marking is not absolute but may depend on verb type in some languages.[5] We suggest this pattern is observed because the indexing function of the case marker is not needed since theta-roles can be assigned on the basis of world knowledge, which allows the accusative to increase the discourse salience of the object. Wewill report a comprehension study with similar results and discuss the relation between the information structural notion of topicality and the salience of discourse referents. AG2 References [1] Enç, M. (1991). Linguistic Inquiry. 22(1): [2] von Heusinger, K. & Kornfilt, J Turkic Languages 9, [3] Chiriacescu, S. & von Heusinger, K International Review of Pragmatics 2(2), [4] Arnold, J.E. (2001). Discourse Processes, 31(2), [5] von Heusinger, K. & Kaiser, G.A Morphology 21(1),

103 PETER LANG Internationaler Verlag der Wissenschaften BAND 1 I Ulrike Gut TELL Textbooks in English Einführungswerke zu vielen Teilgebieten der englischen Sprachwissenschaft Introduction to English Phonetics and Phonology VI, 221 S., mit CD ISBN br. -D 24,95 / -A 25,60 / SFR 28, BAND 2 I Jürgen Esser Introduction to English Text-linguistics XIV, 209 S. ISBN br. -D 19,95 / -A 20,50 / SFR 23, BAND 3 I Rolf Kreyer Language and Linguistics Herausgegeben von Joybrato Mukherjee und Magnus Huber Introduction to English Syntax XII, 258 S. ISBN br. -D 24,95 / -A 25,60 / SFR 28, BAND 4 I Alexander Bergs Synchronic English Linguistics S. ISBN br. -D 19,95 / -A 20,50 / SFR 23, BAND 5 I Alexander Tokar Introduction to English Morphology XII, 239 S. ISBN br. -D 22,80 / -A 23,40 / SFR 30, In Vorbereitung: Thomas Kohnen: Introduction to English Historical Linguistics (ISBN ) I Klaus P. Schneider: Introduction to English Pragmatics (ISBN ) -D: inkl. MwSt. gültig für Deutschland, -A: inkl. MwSt. gültig für Österreich PETER LANG GmbH Internationaler Verlag der Wissenschaften Postfach D Frankfurt am Main Homepage:

104 Arbeitsgruppe 3 NP Syntax and Information Structure Eleonore Brandner Andreas Trotzke Barbara Sonnenhauser Martina Werner Workshop description Research on the internal structure of nominal expressions (including prepositional phrases) in a variety of languages has revealed that there are parallels between clausal and nominal complexity and that the nominal domain also encodes informationstructural properties such as focus and topic (Giusti 1996). Recently, research on NP syntax and information structure has received some attention again (Aboh et al. 2010), especially by investigating nonstandardized variants (dialects and former diachronic stages) that may invoke alternative realizations which are not so easily observable in the standardized written languages. Our workshop addresses the question of how far the parallels between the nominal and clausal domain in the context of information structure can be pushed and which restrictions can be observed with respect to the availability of such alternative realizations. We aim at bringing together researchers (working in a functional or formal framework) that deal with the above mentioned aspects, preferably from (but not limited to) a microvariational perspective. AG3 85

105 Haus 6, Raum S15 Latin as an articleless DP-language Giuliana Giusti and Rossella Iovino / U. Ca Foscari of Venice Mittwoch, 13.3., 14:00 15:00 AG3 From Longobardi 1994 onwards, the DP layer is taken to be the syntactic counterpart of argumenthood, definiteness and referentiality. In this respect, the existence of articleless languages like Latin poses the problem of whether the same syntax - semantics mapping can be maintained assuming a null article. An obvious alternative is a parameterized theory of functional structure which considers lack of articles as the result of lack of the upper functional DP layer (Chierchia 1998, Bošković 2005, 2010 inter alia). Bošković s proposal is of particular interest for the numerous facts it derives from the presence or absence of the DP projection in a given language. In this paper, we focus on four properties predicted of articleless languages which can be easily checked in Latin (a) left-branch extraction (LBE); (b) adjectival morphology of determiners; (c) relatively NP-internal free adjectival order; (d) transitive nominals with only one genitive. As for (a), LBE is notably a property distinguishing Latin from Romance languages (Bolkenstein 2001). As for (b), lack of DP forces a language to categorize elements that are usually taken to be occupants of DP to be categorized as APs therefore having adjectival morpho-syntactic properties. And this is clearly the case of Latin demonstratives and possessives. As for (c), lack of functional structure above NP also implies that adjectives are adjoined to NP, leading to a certain degree of freedom in relative order. Latin is usually considered a champion of flexibility of word order including the adjectival order (cf. Marouzeau 1922, Devine & Stephens 2006). Finally, as for (d), it derives from the fact that subject genitives are assigned at the DP-level. But, contrary to what is expected, Latin displays a clear tendency for prenominal subject genitives and postnominal object genitives (Gianollo 2007, Devine and Stephens 2006, Giusti and Oniga 2007). In this paper, we start from these observations and show that in Bošković s system, Latin must be considered as an articleless DP language. We further argue that Latin has a split DP. This derives a number of otherwise unexpected facts on Latin freedom of modifier order, which goes beyond the semantic hierarchy assumed by Bošković, but is nonetheless not at all unconstrained: (a) when present, DEM is the highest modifier in the unmarked case but not in all cases, contrary to what a bare NP structure constrained by the semantic approach would predict; (b) when DEM is in second position, we can find any class of modifier preceding it. This is captured by the assumption that the left 86

106 Haus 6, Raum S15 periphery hosts discourse features and is a sort of A-bar position; (c) only one element at a time can precede DEM. This supports the proposal that we are dealing with a syntactic and not phonological rearrangement of the elements; (d) N precedes DEM only if no other modifier is present. This analysis provides a promising path towards an explanation of the fact that all Romance languages developed definite and indefinite articles. This is due to the fact that the mother language already had the DP structure. References Bolkestein, A. M Random Scrambling? Constraints on Discontinuity in Latin Noun Phrases. In C. Moussy (ed.) De lingua Latina novae quaestiones, Actes du Xe Coll. intern. de Linguistique Latine, Louvain-Paris, Peeters. Bošković, Ž On the locality of left branch extraction and the structure of NP. Studia linguistica 59:1-45. Bošković, Ž Phases beyond clauses Chierchia, G Reference to Kinds across Languages. Natural Language Semantics 6: Devine, A. M. and L. D. Stephens Latin Word Order. Structure Meaning and Information. OUP. Gianollo, C The Internal Syntax of the Nominal Phrase in Latin. A Dyachronic Study. In G. Purnelle and J. Denooz (eds), Giusti, G. and R. Oniga Core and Periphery in the Latin Noun Phrase. In G. Purnelle and J. Denooz (eds) Longobardi, G Reference and Proper Names : A Theory of N-Movement in Syntax and LF. Linguistic Inquiry 25: Marouzeau, J L ordre de mots dans la phrase latine. I: Les groupes nominaux. Paris, Champion. Purnelle, G and J. Denooz (eds) Ordre et cohérence en Latin. Communications présentées au 13 Colloque International de Linguistique Latine, Bruxelles-Liége, 4-9 avril Genève, DROZ. AG3 From DP to Sentence - information structure and clause typing Manuela Ambar / U. Lisboa Mittwoch, 13.3., 15:00 15:30 In different languages a given type of structures with an exclamative-flavor exhibits the form of a DP with a relative clause: see (1) for European Portuguese (Ambar 2000) and (2) for English (Zanuttini & Portner 2003:26). These constructions are frequently called nominal exclamatives. Considering nominal exclamatives on par with clausal exclamatives is supported by the existence of exclamatives where a simple DP may occur (3). But even in this case, restrictions on the form of the DP lead to the suspicion that something else underlies the so-called nominal exclamatives, which clearly have 87

107 Haus 6, Raum S15 AG3 a clausal exclamative force. Moreover, the existence of nominal exclamatives is at least strange if we look at other clause types. Neither declaratives nor interrogatives can be formed by DPs, acquiring the clausal declarative or interrogative force (cf.(4)-(5)). The question we will address is why the DP in (1) without the illocutionary exclamative force needs a predicate to become a declarative sentence as in (4), or an interrogative (5), whereas in its exclamative use it doesn t, as in (1). Assuming the quest for symmetry (Aboh et al. 2010) as an important task to pursue, following different authors (Giusti 1996, Szabolcsi 1994 a.o.), we will claim for the symmetry in the internal structure of DP and CP, on the one hand, and in clause typing, on the other. Supposing a left periphery, we will consider that: (i) clause typing, or the illocutionary force of a sentence, is accomplished in the highest activated projection and that its interpretation is compositional; (ii) a clause underlies exclamatives of type (1) where the DP originating as object has moved to the projection (EvaluativeP) where exclamatives check their evaluative features, another relevant property of exclamatives -factivity (Grimshaw 1979, Obenauer 1994)-, being checked before in a lower projection (Ambar 2000); those two projections plausibly form a phase, according to a proposal by Speas and Tenny (2003) on Ambar s proposal; (iii) factivity is checked by que, complementizer/relative (Kayne 1982,2010). We will compare EvaluativeP to ForceP (Rizzi 1997). (1) O livro que ele comprou! the book that he bought! (2) The things he eats (3) Que/*o livro! What a/the book! (4) O livro que ele comprou *(é bom). the book that he bought *(is good). (5) As coisas the things que ele he come *(são boas)? eats *(are good) References Aboh, Enoch et al DP-internal information structure: Some introductory remarks. Lingua Ambar, Manuela Wh-questions and wh-exclamatives - unifying mirror effects. RLLT 2000 Claire Beyssade et al. (eds.), Amsterdam: John Benjamins Giusti, Giuliana Is there a FocusP and a TopicP in the Noun Phrase structure? University of Venice Working Papers in Lingui- 88

108 Haus 6, Raum S15 stics Obenauer, Hans-Georg Aspects de la syntaxe A-barre: Effets d intervention et mouvements des quantifieurs. PhD thesis, Université Paris VIII. Szabolcsi, Anna The Noun Phrase. Syntax and Semantics 27: The syntactic structure of Hungarian, F. Kiefer and K. Kiss (ed.), New York: Academic Press. Zanuttini, Raffaella and Paul Portner (2003) Exclamative Clauses: At the syntax-semantics interface. Language 79 (1): Adjectives in European Portuguese Contributions to the definition of the DP structure and its similarity with the sentence Manuela Gonzaga / U. Lisboa Mittwoch, 13.3., 15:30 16:00 This paper discusses the place adjectives occupy inside the NP/DP and the similarities with adverbs distribution in the clause in European Portuguese (EP). We argue that there are different types of adjectives, merging in different sites, accordingly. Likewise it has been argued that adverbs may be merged in a low position, if they apply to the VP, and in a high position, if they have scope over the whole sentence; we defend that there are low adjectives, merged in the split NP, and high adjectives, merged in a projection in the left periphery of DP. Moreover adjectives are assumed to be maximal projections, merged in Spec positions. Concerning the order of adjectives within NP/DP, we argue that there are four types of adjectives: AG3 (i) adjectives always in post-nominal position (azul, blue, alemão, German, sintáctico, syntactic ); (ii) adjectives always in pre-nominal position (mero, mere, suposto, supposed ); (iii) adjectives in pre or in post-n position with the same meaning (bom, good, bonito, beautiful, simpático, nice ); (iv) adjectives in pre or in post-n position with different meanings in each position (verdadeiro, true, interessante, interesting ). Assuming Beyssade & Dobrovie-Sorin (2005), we defend the existence of two types of semantic entities (individuals and properties instantiated in 89

109 Haus 6, Raum S15 AG3 individuals). Because of the relation established between nouns and adjectives, (some) adjectives merge inside NP. However the four classes comprise different properties. Assuming proposals by Cornilescu (1993), Giusti (2005), Aboh, et al. 2010, a.o., that there are distinct layers in the DP structure, we argue that low adjectives are merged in the lexical layer (core predicate in Aboh et al. (2010)), once they contribute to the definition of the lexical reference of the NP/DP conveying ontological properties. The high adjectives translate a speaker s point of view, being thus merged in the peripheral layer (discourselinked in Aboh et al. (2010)). The low adjectives that may occur in pre and in post-n position, with no difference in meaning in both locations, are moved from the base to an upper position where they check an Event feature (in P). Adjectives in pre and post-n position, with different meanings in both, are merged in a low position, thus conveying the ontological meaning, (a casa grande, the house big ), but they move afterwards to a peripheral position (EvaluativeP, Gonzaga (2004)) where speaker s opinion is transmitted (a grande casa, the big house (meaning magnificent, previously announced or conveying irony)). We also deal with adjectives that, being merged in the NP, end up in the periphery of DP with different meaning. Adjectives that only occur in pre-n position are merged directly in EvaluativeP in our analysis. References Aboh, et al DP-internal information structure. Lingua Beyssade & Dobrovie-Sorin (2005). A Syntax-based Analysis of Predication. E. Georgala and J. Howell (eds.). SALT XV. Ithaca, NY: Cornell University. Giusti (2005). At the left periphery of the Romanian Noun Phrase, On Space and Time in Language, CLUJ, Clujum, Anversa. Gonzaga (2004). The Structure of DP in European Portuguese. Harvard WPL, Vol. X. Scrambling phenomena in the Old Italian DP Cecilia Poletto / U. Frankfurt Mittwoch, 13.3., 16:30 17:30 In this work I investigate a phenomenon which up to now has gone completely unnoticed in the literature, namely scrambling within the DP in Old Italian (OI). I will show that the phenomenon is captured by the (by now) standard assumption that the structure of the DP is parallel to the one of the CP ina straightforward way: OI has a V2-like property which manifests itself both in the CP and in the DP layer, allowing for orders in both layers that are not 90

110 Haus 6, Raum S15 possible in modern Italian. The empirical basis of this work is the online data base of the OVI corpus containing all texts for Old Florentine (i.e. Old Italian) from 1200 to I will discuss four phenomena: a) PP preposing to the left edge of the DP, as in (1), b) preposing of an adjective modified by the adverb molto much c) prenominal restrictive adjectives as in (3) d) prenominal genitive of costui (4): (1) Facestilo tu per dare di me esemplo alle genti? (B.G. 2,1) Did it you for give of me example to the people? (2) li quali fuoro molto bella gente (Paolino Pieri, 45) Who were very beautiful people (3) Mi parve sentire uno mirabile tremore incominciare nel mio pecto dalla sinistra parte me seemed to-hear a wonderful tremble start in.the my breast from-the left side (Vita Nuova 71, 3) (4) Al costui tempo (Doc. Fior, 90,1) To.the of.whom time In his time The first two examples can be assimilated to one and the same phenomenon, as in both cases the preposed constituent (either a PP or an ADjP modified by molto) never cooccurs with the definite determiner. This is so, because the preposed constituent targets the SpecDP position, blocking the realization of the Dř head in virtue of a requirement that bans the lexical realization of a head and of a specifier of the same projection as in what used to be called the doubly filled comp filter. Evidence in favor of a movement analysis is provided by cases where only part of the postnominal constituent is preposed: AG3 (5) e di gentile aspetto molto and of kind appearance very (Dante, Vita Nuova, cap. 8, par. 1, v. 11) Assuming Cinque s (2005) analysis of the DP and Giusti s (2006) structure of its left periphery I will argue that the structure of cases like (1) and (2) is illustrated in (6): (6) [ DP [ AdjP molto grande] [ Dř.][. TopP.[ OpP ] [ dp filosofo [ AgrP [ SpecAgrP molto grande] filosofo... [ NP [ N filosofo ] ]]]]] Here the modified AdjP moves to SpecDP, (which corresponds to ForceP in the nominal domain) banning the realization of the determiner, while the head noun moves to the head of a lower projection d, (which corresponds to Finř). 91

111 Haus 6, Raum S15 AG3 The movement of N to d is parallel to the movement of V to Fin in V2 contexts (see Benincà (2006) a.o.) and is also a reflex of the parallel between the CP and the DP. Cases like (3), which are extremely frequent in the corpus but completely impossible in modern Italian, cannot be analyzed in the same way as (1) and (2) because it does not respect the ban against the occurrence of the definite determiner. According to Cinque (2005), restrictive adjectives originate in a Specifier higher than non restrictive ones in the structure of DP, as the basic order is + restrictive ADj followed by - restrictive, as in the Germanic languages. Hence, the occurrence of restrictive adjectives in postnominal position after -restrictive ones in languages like Italian is completely unexpected. Cinque claims that the reason why prenominal restrictive adjectives are impossible in modern Italian and why they must occur postnominally after -restrictive ones has to do with the obligatory movement of the whole AgrP containing the head noun and non restrictive adjectives to the SpecDP position, which leaves the +restrictive adjective stranded behind. In the talk I propose that restrictive adjectives can be found in a prenominal position in OI because they can be moved to a Topic position in the left periphery of the DP, while the head noun targets dř as illustrated in (7), thus banning the movement of the whole AgrP proposed in Cinque (2005). As for the last type of preposing, which only involves the genitive elements like costui colui, I will argue that here the left periphery of the DP is not involved at all, and that the genitive raises to the corresponding position in the DP that is occupied by the nominative subject in the IP. Topics and foci in Romanian Double-DP qualitative constructions Mihaela Tanase-Dogaru / U. Bucharest Mittwoch, 13.3., 17:30 18:00 1. Aim. The paper claims that information structure in Double-DP binominal qualitative constructions in Romanian (1 - henceforth DDPQs) is articulated on the topic-focus pattern. DDPQs are a distinct category of binominal qualitatives or N de N constructions, which have only recently been given special attention in the literature (Tănase-Dogaru 2011), analyses of binominal qualitatives focusing as a rule on Single-DP qualitatives (2). 2. Background. Qualitative constructions are known to always entail an emotive element, i.e. they express positive or negative evaluation with respect to the speaker s attitude. While researchers have linked emotiveness to degree operators and scalarity, the paper claims that the semantic peculiarities 92

112 Haus 6, Raum S15 of qualitatives derive from their being periphery constructions that check P- features like [+c(ontrast)] or [+(a)naphoric] (Lopez 2009, Cornilescu and Nicolae 2012) in an outer D. Since phases are quantificational domains, notions like scalarity or degree operators applied to qualitative constructions find a much more economical explanation. 3. Analysis. In Romanian, DDPQs allow strong pronouns and wh-in situ elements (3). This suggests that N1 in DDPQs is not a focus, but a contrastive topic, which, unlike contrastive foci, which are not checked in situ, is realized by means of quantificational elements appearing at the left periphery. Further support for this analysis comes from examples such as (4), where the postnominal demonstrative is a focalization marker (see Manoliu-Manea 1994), the first DP in the structure being a topic. (1) a. Am vorbit cu prostul ăla de frate-tău (I) have talked with stupid-the that of brother-your I have talked to that stupid of brother of yours b. bietul de tine poor-the of you poor you c. sărmanul pitiable-the de copilul ăla de la ţară of child-the that from at countryside that poor child from the coutryside (2) that idiot of a doctor (3) a. Proasta de mine nu şi-a dat / mi-am fool-the-fem of me not refl.3sg.have realized / refl.1sg.have dat seama că... realized that I m such a fool that I haven t realized that... b. Prostul de el nu şi-a dat seama că... fool-the-masc of him not refl.3sg.have realized that He s such a fool that he hasn t realized that... c. N-ai vorbit cu idiotul ala de care primar? not have.2sg talked with idiot-the of which mayor? You haven t talked to the idiot of which mayor? (4) idiotul topic de profesorul ăsta focus (care m-a picat) idiot-the of professor-the this (who me-has flunked) that idiot of a professor who flunked me AG3 References Manoliu-Manea, M., 1994, Gramatică, pragmasemantică ši discurs, Bu- 93

113 Haus 6, Raum S15 cureşti, editura Litera. Tănase-Dogaru (2011). Single-DP and Double-DP Qualitative Constructions in Romanian (2011). Revue Roumaine de Linguistique, volume LVI, nr. 2 / 2011, Villalba, X., & A. Bartra-Kaufmann, 2010, Predicate focus fronting in the Spanish determiner phrase in Lingua, 120(4): On the topical nature of non-restrictively used relative pronouns Boban Arsenijević / U. of Niš Sabina Halupka-Rešetar / U. of Novi Sad Mittwoch, 13.3., 18:00 18:30 AG3 A number of competing analyses have been presented for the syntactic differences between restrictive (RRCs) and non-restrictive relative clauses (NRRCs). We roughly classify them into four groups: 1. those with identical structures in syntax and differences only at LF (Kayne 1994, Bianchi 2000), 2. those modeling the difference in terms of the attachment site, e.g. RRCs attaching to NPs, and NRRCs to DPs (Jackendoff 1977, Demirdache 1991), 3. those applying a raising analysis for RRCs and a matching analysis for NRRCs (Resi 2011) and 4. those hypothesizing an underlying personal pronoun in the structural position taken by the relative pronoun (de Vries 2006). Among the six rules governing reference assignment in discourse Hajièová et al. (1990) include the following: weak pronoun preceding topic. The fourth type of analyses above (de Vries 2006), in which the relative pronoun stands for a weak personal pronoun predicts that the relativized constituent in an NRRC will always be topical. Moreover, it explains the use of a relative pronoun in place of a clausal conjunction and a personal pronoun. Being the most recently mentioned semantic content, the head of a relative clause is always locally topical. In a conjoined clause with a topical constituent co-referential with and adjacent to a constituent of another clause, the referential relations stay unaffected if the topical constituent and the conjunction are substituted by a relative pronoun. We have tested De Vries prediction that the relative pronoun in an NRRC is always topical on a large number of examples excerpted from the corpus numerous sentences designed to counter the prediction. A sentence can have more than one topical constituent and the referent of the relative pronoun necessarily belongs to the respective set of sentence-topical constituents. 94

114 Haus 6, Raum S15 (1) Juče je Jovan, koga Petar još nije ni upoznao, yesterday AuxJ whom P yet NegAux even met made napravio problem kakvom se Petar nije nadao. problem how.inst Refl P NegAux hoped Yesterday, Jovan, whom Petar hasn t even met yet, made a problem of the kind Petar hadn t expected. (Top = Jovan, Petar) We have applied two tests: paraphrasing with the as for construction, and qualification, as in (2) a., b. respectively. (2) a. As for Jovan and Petar/Jovan/Petar, Petar hasn t even met Jovan yet. b. The NRRC tells us about Jovan and Petar/Jovan/Petar that Petar hasn t met Jovan yet. The prediction was confirmed, thus providing an argument in favor of de Vries analysis of NRRCs. References Bianchi, V The raising analysis of relative clauses: a reply to Borsley, Linguistic Inquiry 31, Demirdache, H Resumptive chains in restrictive relatives, nonrestrictives and dislocation structure. PhD dissertation, MIT. Hajièová, E. et al Hierarchy of salience and discourse analysis and production. COLING 1990, Resi, R The position of relative clauses in German. Lingue e Linguaggio 1, Sauerland, U The Meaning of chains. Ph.D. dissertation, MIT. Vries, M. de The syntax of appositive relativization: On specifying coordination, false free relatives and promotion. Linguistic Inquiry 37, AG3 Affective information packaging in the nominal domain Norbert Corver / U. Utrecht Donnerstag, 14.3., 09:00 10:00 Ideation reigns supreme in language, [... ] volition and emotion come in as distinctly secondary factors. With these words, Edward Sapir (1921:217) claimed that language is primarily a tool for the expression of thought (ideas). The expression of affect is only secondary. This secondary role is reflected in the form of language: [T]he emotional aspect of our psychic life is but meagerly expressed in the build of language (Sapir ibidem). Roman Jakobson (1960) acknowledges the supremacy of the expression of thought but emphasizes [... ] that this supremacy does not authorize linguistics to disregard the 95

115 Haus 6, Raum S15 AG3 secondary factors. Jakobson argues that [I]f we analyze language from the standpoint of the information it carries, we cannot restrict the notion of information to the cognitive aspect of language. The aim of this talk is to examine the meager formal expression of affective information in the build of human language by closely considering and analyzing a number of affect-related phenomena within the nominal domain, that are manifest in varieties of Dutch and languages closely related to Dutch. Starting from Pos s (1933/34:328) intuition that the expression of affect involves the inverse use of functional material ( Mais la fonction logique des particules n est pas la seule qui leur appartienne. Elles ont un autre emploi qui suit un sense inverse: l usage émotif et affectif. ), I will propose an analysis in which this inverse use of functional information is implemented by means of the displacement property. Crucially, displacement here is not operative in (narrow) syntax but after syntax, in the sense of Embick & Noyer (2001). More specifically, I will argue that functional material (e.g., the categories D or Deg) is reordered by means of Local Dislocation, a morphological merger operation that operates on a linear string and inverts the order of two adjacent elements: i.e., [X * [Z * Y]] is changed into [[Zo Z+X] * Y]. Inversion yields a structurally augmented head (i.e., Z is turned into [Zo Z+X]). As we will show, in many varieties of Dutch, the augmenting affix surfaces phonologically as the sound schwa, which may be considered a default/dummy sound which spells out the augmentative part Z. As an illustration of this linguistic encoding ( packaging ) of affective information, consider the data in (1), drawn from Katwijk Dutch (Overdiep 1937). As indicated, the quantity designating noun in pseudoparitive constructions can be augmented by means of e (schwa), yielding an affective flavor (suprise, astonishment). (1) a. Toe krege we n hoop waeter, en toe riep de skipper then got we a lot water, and then shouted the boatsman... (neutral)... b. Toe krege we-n-om n uur of drie toch n hoope waeter, then got we-n around an hour or three PRT a lot-e water, man! (affective) man Oh man, around three o clock we really got a lot of water in our boat! 96

116 Haus 6, Raum S15 It will be argued that the augmented form hoope results from displacement (Local Dislocation (sometimes involving copying)) of the functional category D onto the measure noun hoop, yielding the augmented head [N+D], which spells out as hoop+e. It will be shown that this strategy of augmentation is attested in different structural environments in varieties of Dutch. If time permits, it will further be shown that besides schwa, also other functional material is used for structure augmentation at the Syntax-PF interface; e.g. indefinite articles, as in Groningen Dutch n schrikkelken bult geld!, a terrible-a amount money; Ter Laan 1953:37). In sum, Sapir s claim that the expression of affect in language is secondary is formally implemented in this paper in terms of the secondary use of functional material at the Syntax-PF interface. PFdisplacement yields an augmented structure, which surfaces phonologically (in different guises) and contributes affective color to a linguistic object expressing thought. The Left Periphery of the German DP: Two Pre-nominal Positions for Possessives Dorian Roehrs / U. of North Texas Donnerstag, 14.3., 10:00 10:30 Inspired by certain Bulgarian data in Giusti (1996), this paper discusses three types of pos-sessive constructions in German that all involve syntactic constituents: Possessor Doubling constructions (PDC), Saxon Genitives (SG), and von-possessives. Consider (1a-c), respectively: AG3 (1) a. dem Peter sein Auto b. Peters Auto c. von Peter das/sein/ihr Auto Grohmann & Haegeman (2003) propose that the possessor (dem Peter) in (1a) moves to the left periphery leaving behind a resumptive pronoun (sein). At first glance, there are good reasons to interpret the doubling possessive pronominal as a resumptive pronoun: in contrast to (1c), it must be coindexed/co-refer with the preceding element and it cannot receive contrastive stress. These differences between (1a) and (1c) follow if we assume that DPs leave behind a resumptive pronoun but PPs do not. There are also some issues: the doubling pronoun agrees in case with the possessum noun/larger DP rather than with the possessor: dem Peter sein Wagen Peter-DAT his-nom car. More importantly, the pronoun cannot be left 97

117 Haus 6, Raum S15 out (*dem Peter (der) Wagen) and as such, it is not doubling but indicates possession like other elements: Maria-s Wagen. In fact, the PDC is more similar to SG than to von-possessives. In contrast to von-possessives, PDC and SG are in complementary distribution with definite articles. As for indefinite elements, PDC and SG take inflected ein with duality-partitive semantics, which presupposes another son, (2a-b). Von-possessives take uninflected ein, (2c) (inflected ein-e is possible with a preceding definite determiner): (2) a. Peter sein einer Sohn b. Peters einer Sohn c. von Peter (ei)n Sohn AG3 These differences follow if PDC and SG are lower in the structure (Spec,DP) but von-possessives are higher (Spec,TopP). In order to determine the inner structure of posses-sives, it is important to note that they can also occur postnominally (with (1a) being out due to the independently motivated assumption that sein consists of a possessive element and ein in D). This and the above-mentioned similarities follow if we make the theoretically desirable assumption that all possessives have the same basic internal make-up. Like adjectives, possessives build an extended projection where the functor POSS takes the Possessor as a complement (cf. Anderson ): (3) [XP X [POSSP POSS [ Possessor ]]] POSS is spelled out differently: simplifying a bit, if the Possessor in (3) remains in-situ, POSS surfaces as von, cf. (1c); if the Possessor moves to Spec,XP, POSS is spelled out as s+ein with a preceding phrasal Possessor, (1a), or as s with a preceding head-like Possessor, (1b) (cf. Krause 1999). Contrasts of possessives with non-theta vs. eventive head nouns are suggested to follow from von-possessives being base-generated in Spec,TopP (cf. Aboh et al 2010: 793). References Anderson, M Prenominal Genitive NPs. The Linguistic Review 3: Grohmann, K. & L. Haegeman Resuming Reflexives. Nordlyd 31: Krause, C Two Notes on Prenominal Possessors in German. MIT Working Papers in Linguistics 33:

118 Haus 6, Raum S15 Word order and information structure within the Norwegian DP: Vulnerable domains in bilingual acquisition and attrition Marit Westergaard and Merete Anderssen CASTL/U. of Tromsø Donnerstag, 14.3., 10:30 11:00 Possessive constructions are relatively complex in Norwegian, in that they may be pre- or postnominal (1a, b), while English possessives are always prenominal (1c). The distinction between the two word orders in Norwegian is dependent on information structure (IS): the prenominal adds contrastive stress on the possessor, while the postnominal is neutral. Furthermore, postnominal possessors co-occur with a noun in the definite form. (1) a. min stol my chair MY chair b. stol-en min chair-def mine my chair c. my chair AG3 These structures allow us to consider factors such as frequency, complexity, and structural similarity: Postnominal possessives are more frequent than prenominal possessives (75%), but also more complex, involving definiteness marking and syntactic movement (Anderssen & Westergaard 2010). Monolingual Norwegian children are shown to have a preference for the prenominal possessives early on, which indicates that children do not simply pay attention to frequency, but choose the less complex construction. We investigate the use of possessives in bilingual English-Norwegian children and Norwegian heritage speakers in the US. Our hypothesis is that the influence from English should make the prenominal possessives even more preferred. The results reveal that the bilingual children have a stronger preference for prenominal possessives than the monolinguals, while the heritage speakers almost exclusively use postnominal possessives. We thus argue that the lack of complexity makes prenominal possessives the preferred order in acquisition, while the high frequency of the postnominal possessor construction protects it against attrition. This suggests that frequency is a more important factor in attrition than complexity or structural similarity. 99

119 Haus 6, Raum S15 The processes we see inside the DP and the factors involved are thus the same as what we see in the clausal domain in acquisition and attrition. First of all, in grammars where the syntax allows word order variation, IS typically makes a distinction between the two. This is similar to word order variation found at the clausal level, e.g. object shift or V2/non-V2 in Norwegian dialects (Anderssen, Bentzen & Rodina 2012, Westergaard 2009). Secondly, acquisition studies of these clausal phenomena show that children relatively early master the relevant IS distinctions. Third, complexity is a crucial factor both in the clausal and the nominal domain, in that children at an early stage are shown to avoid syntactic movement. Finally, it has recently been found that these clausal phenomena are not vulnerable in Norwegian heritage language, indicating that frequency is a more important factor than complexity in language attrition. AG3 References Anderssen, M. & M. Westergaard Frequency and economy in the acquisition of variable word order. Lingua , Anderssen, M., K. Bentzen & Y. Rodina Topicality and complexity in the acquisition of Norwegian object shift. Language Acquisition, Westergaard, M. 2009: The Acquisition of Word Order: Micro-cues, Information Structure and Economy. [Linguistik Aktuell 145], Amsterdam: John Benjamins. Discontinuous Noun Phrases in Early New High German: Evidence for Information Structure? Ulrike Demske / U. Potsdam Donnerstag, 14.3., 11:30 12:30 The non-standardized written varieties of Early New High German (=ENHG) are known to be far less restricted with respect to word order than the written varieties of Modern Standard German. Word order within the verbal complex, for instance, exhibits significant variation. Relative freedom of word order also holds for noun phrases where we likewise observe discontinuous noun phrases giving rise to the question whether their occurrence can be analyzed in terms of information structure as has been suggested for instances of discontinuous noun phrases in a wide variety of languages (Fanselow and Féry, 2006). In this talk, I will provide evidence for at least two patterns of discontinuous noun phrases in ENHG where discontinuity can be motivated by information structure: The first pattern, split topicalization, is likewise attested in Modern German (De Kuthy, 2002) and Slavic languages such as Polish (Siewierska, 1984) and Croatian (Fanselow and Cavar, 2002). As shown 100

120 Haus 6, Raum S15 in (1), the first subconstituent of the noun phrase figures as a contrastive topic, while the second subconstituent is focal. (1) [Dis-er undanckbaren leüt] findt man noch [seer vil ] these-pl.gen ungrateful people finds one still very much (Wickram, Rollwagenbüchlein 69.25) In ENHG however, there is no evidence that both subconstituents are NPs in their own right as suggested by Fanselow and Cavar (2002) for Modern German to allow for conflicting grammatical features (Motorräder hat er nur eines >bikes has he only one<). Split topicalization patterns in ENHG are true discontinuous noun phrases insofar as they establish a single referent as their continuous counterparts do and their inverted order also occurs in continuous NPs. The second pattern associated with information structure is provided by thetic utterances (Demske, 2001), where discontinuous noun phrases are used to introduce new information to the discourse, cf. Schultze-Berndt and Simard (2012). The first part of the noun phrase denotes the nominal head, the second part the modifier. Discontinuity in (2) cannot be ascribed to distinct information structure values. (2) wilch nit what not [ein geringe schmach] ist [all-er Christenheit] a small disgrace is all-sg.gen Christendom (Luther, An den Adel 433.4) AG3 The ENHG data suggest that word order is a linguistic means to indicate information structure values also on the level of noun phrases, thus establishing a parallel between the nominal and clausal domain in terms of information structure. References De Kuthy, K. (2002). Discontinuous NPs in German: a Case Study of the Interaction of Syntax, Semantics, and Pragmatics. Stanford, CA: CSLI Publications. Demske, U. (2001). Merkmale und Relationen: Diachrone Studien zur Nominalphrase des Deutschen. Studia Linguistica Germanica 56. Berlin: De Gruyter. Fanselow, G. and D. Cavar (2002). Distributed deletion. In A. Alexiadou (Ed.), Theoretical Approaches to Universals, pp Amsterdam: Benjamins. Fanselow, G. and C. Féry (2006). Prosodic and morphosyntactic aspects of discontinuous noun phrases - a comparative perspective. Unpublished Manuscript, University of Postdam. Schultze-Berndt, E. and C. Simard (2012). Constraints on noun phrase discontinuity in an Australian language: the role of prosody and information structure. Linguistics 50, Siewierska, A. (1984). Phrasal discontinuity in Polish. Australian Journal of Linguistics 4,

121 Haus 6, Raum S15 Discontinuous Syntax: Hyperbaton in older Indo-European Languages Rosemarie Lühr / U. Jena Donnerstag, 14.3., 12:30 13:00 A hyperbaton is the reversal of the standard word order by separating words which syntactically belong together, words such as noun and attribute, etc. In Classical Latin, the hyperbaton is considered as grammatical, if that kind of separation is possible in an elevated prose style without creating the impression of artificiality : One can even speak of a propensity of elevated prose (and even more so of poetry) to separate words if this informally possible without creating an impression of artificiality (Menge). The insertion of enclitics such as pronouns is considered to be a point in case, but also the use of conjunctions such as autem, enim, igitur, quoque, -ne in the second position in the sentence, all of which are actually instances of Wackernagel particles. But in principle, any kind of word can be placed between words which syntactically belong together: AG3 (1) Tuis incredibiliter studiis delector your-abl incrediblyadv studies-abl I m made happy I m made incredibly happy by your studies [Cicero, fam. 3,9,3] That way we arrive at sentences such as: (2) a. *Which has he invited friend to dinner? which go against Ross s Left Branch Condition. In focus constructions in English, moreover, the right branch of a noun phrase cannot remain in situ: (2) b. *The RED he bought car last week, the BLUE he has had car for years. (Devine and Stephens 2000: 4f.) The separation of words that belong together within an NP is, in contrast to English and German, supposed to be a feature of inflecting languages. In fact, this phenomenon occurs in Sanskrit, Greek, and Latin. However, a contrastive analysis is still to be done. The purpose of the oral presentation is to discuss the role that information structure plays in discontinuous NP syntax by reference to the languages mentioned before. The following questions are to be clarified: Which attributes cannot, for grammatical reasons, be separated from the nouns to which they belong?

122 Haus 6, Raum S15 2. How does the Wackernagel position interact in the case of discontinuous NP syntax? 3. How does information structure (focus - background - structure) change within the NP if the attribute - noun order is replaced by the noun - attribute order? 4. How does discontinuous NP syntax, in terms of information structure, contribute to the whole sentence? The analysis will be conducted by using methods of corpus linguistics, thus delivering data that are statistically reliable. The data material is taken from annotated corpora of the DFG projects Information Structure in the Oldest Indo-European Languages ( ) and Information Structure in Complex Sentences - Synchronic and Diachronic ( ), both of which can be searched in the ANNIS data base. References Devine, Andrew & Stephens, Laurence D. 2000: Discontinuous syntax. Hyperbaton in Greek, New York & Oxford: OU. P-doubling in split scrambling: a Renaissance analysis Julie Goncharov / U. of Toronto Freitag, 15.3., 11:30 12:00 This paper is a contribution to the study of split scrambling constructions, focussing on split PPs in Russian. Based on new data concerning the (im)possibility of preposition doubling in some split PPs, cf. (1) with (2), I argue that we need to reconsider the uniform treatment of split scrambling, which is usually assumed in the literature (see Franks 2007 for an overview). At least two different phenomena - contrastive-split (c-split) and topicalization-split (t-split) - must be distinguished, each of which has a distinct prosody, information structure and, as I propose, syntactic derivation. This observation supports the idea that syntax is sensitive to the properties encoded in the information structure. AG3 (1) Iz caski ja pila *(iz) krasnoj. from cup-f.gen I drank from red-f.sg.gen As for cups, I drank from a red one. (2) Iz caski ja pila (*iz) krasnoj (ne iz stakana). from cup-f.gen I drank from red-f.sg.gen not from glass-m.gen It is from the red CUP that I drank, not from the glass. 103

123 Haus 6, Raum S15 The core proposal is that, in t-split, the two subparts must be entirely split, whereas this is not the case for c-split. That is to say, in t-split, as opposed to c-split, the two subparts are completely disjoint, so that both subparts need an independent case and theta-role assigner. The analysis I propose for t- split in (1) is a revival of the old idea that (in some cases) sub-extraction is impossible unless a readjustment takes place breaking up a constituent from which we wish to extract (see Chomsky 1977). I use Kayne s (1998 and subsequent works) proposal that prepositions merge above VP, making it possible to split the complement of V via a sequence of remnant movements, see (3). C-splits, on the other hand, have a simple derivation such as the one proposed by Androutsopoulou (1997) for split scrambling in Greek, see (4). (3) [from2 cupk K tl ]m... [[drank ti ] j from1 [red tk ]i R t j ]l tm (4) [ FocP [ PP from [ SC tred cup ]] [ Foc [ ScrP [ VP drank tpp ] [Scr [ FP [ AP red ] [F tv P ]]]]]] In addition, I propose spell-out rules for P-doubling, which are speci?c neither to Russian nor to P-doubling, but rather are attributable to general principles of the grammar. AG3 References Androutsopoulou, A Split DPs, Focus, and Scrambling in Modern Greek. WCCFL 16: Chomsky, N On wh-movement. In Culicover, P. W., Wasow, T. and A. Akmajian (eds.) Formal syntax, New York: Academic Press. Franks, S Deriving Discontinuity. In Marušic, F. and R. Žaucer (eds.) Studies in Formal Slavic Linguistics, Frankfurt: Peter Lang. Kayne, R. S A Note on Prepositions and Complementizers, ms. Chomsky Virtual Celebration (http://mitpress.mit.edu/celebration). Predicate Inversion in the Colloquial Slovenian DP Emily C. Wilson, CUNY Graduate Center Freitag, 15.3., 12:00-12:30 This paper offers a new account of the syntax of nominal phrases in Colloquial Slovenian (CS) that contain the unstressed particle ta. I will show that that the apparently wide range of semantic contributions of ta can be reduced to information structural (IS) factors. The so-called adjectival definite article in CS is unusual among definite articles cross-linguistically, in that it cannot appear with an unmodified noun (1a) and it can appear inside of an indefinite DP (1c), as well as in doubledefinite constructions (1d). 104

124 Haus 6, Raum S15 (1) a. (*ta) avto the car b. (ta) nov avto the new car c. en (ta) nov avto a the new car d. moj/tá (ta) nov avto my/this the new car I argue that ta is a copula-like functional head or Linker (den Dikken, 2006) that signals predicate inversion (PI) within the DP. In the case of an indefinite construction such as (1c) the result of PI is a type reading of the adjective: there is a presupposition that a certain type or class of new cars is familiar to the speaker and the hearer. In (1d) either a type reading or a discourseanaphoric reading is possible. The structure I propose for (1d) is illustrated in (2). (2) [ DP moj/tá D... [ LP [ AP=Pred nov ] R+L=ta [RP [ NP=Subj avto ] <R> <AP> ]] The surface word order, with ta to the left of the modifier, is not directly delivered by the syntax in (2) but is straightforwardly predictable based on the particle s phonological status as a clitic. The placement of ta in the nominal domain exactly parallels that of copular clitics in the clausal domain in CS, i.e. it is pronounced on the left edge of an intonational phrase, with the restriction that it cannot precede material in Spec, DP. Because of these PF constraints, the surface position of the clitic is almost always identical in its contrastive and non-contrastive uses, making it difficult to identify any difference in the underlying syntactic structure. New evidence from constructions in which ta is associated with a possessive pronoun in the absence of (other) adjectives (3) helps to tease these structures apart because the word order comes out differently for the two kinds of IS in these cases. AG3 (3) a.?moj ta telefon my (type of) phone b. Tole je ta moj telefon - ne ta tvoj! this is MY phone - not yours! The existence of (3a) is predicted by my analysis. I propose that contrast in (3b) is the result of inverting a null-headed NP with the possessive adjecti- 105

125 Haus 6, Raum S15 ve. The Linker is pied-piped by the possessive s movement into Spec, DP, resulting in its spell out at the left edge of DP. The analysis of ta as a Linker allows for an account of the syntax and IS function of the particle which has broader empirical coverage than previous accounts and enhances our understanding of the role of PI in constructing information structure across languages. AG3 The effects of focus in narrowing down potential QP interpretations Urtzi Etxeberria and Aritz Irurtzun / CNRS-IKER Freitag, 15.3., 12:30 13:00 The puzzle: Sentences like (1a), with the French QP toutes-n in subject position and the indefinite un-n in direct object position, can obtain two different interpretations. Contrary to (1a), in the sentence (1b), the focalization of the Q of the QP subject removes the collective reading allowing only the distributive interpretation. The analysis: The analysis is based on the semantic composition of QPs and their plural denotation in terms of contextual covers (Schwarzschild 1996, Brisson 1998), and the Alternative Semantics of focus proposed by Rooth (1985, 1992). According to Schwarzschild (1996) (see also Brisson 1998, 2003), plural DPs are associated with contextual covers that divide the set denoted by the plurality in different lattices. For instance, the sentence in (2a) will have the LF offered in (2b). This LF, depending on the contextual assignment of the cover for the plurality filles permits making reference to all the covers exemplified in (3): (i) atomic individuals when the context assigns I to Cov i (Distributive); (ii) total plurality when the context assigns K to Cov i (Collective); (iii) subpluralities when the context assigns to Cov i J (Dist nonmax), or L (Coll non-max). The lexical force of the universal Q in (1a) introduces a maximality effect that only allows the I (Distributive maximal interpretation) and K (Collective Maximal interpretation) possibilities. The focalization of the Q in a sentence like (1b) eliminates the value K (Collective Maximal interpretation) for the cover only permitting the I value, where we necessarily get the Distributive Maximal interpretation which forces each member of the set of girls to be the agent of one event. Our proposal is that obtaining only the Distributive Maximal interpretation for the agent is due to a mismatch among the Ordinary Semantic Value and the Focus Semantic Value given the semantics of Focus in Rooth (1985, 1992). 106

126 Haus 6, Raum S15 (1) a. Toutes les filles ont chanté une chanson. all D.pl girl sing one song Distributive Collective All the girls sang one song. b. [TOUTES LES FILLES] F ont chanté une chanson. all D.pl girl sing one song Distributive * Collective ALL the girls sang one song. (2) a. Les filles ont chanté une chanson. The girls sang one song b. x[x [[Cov i ]] &x [[the girls ]] x [[sing one song ]]] (3) Cover Possibilities: [[les filles ]] = {a, b, c} I = {{a}, {b}, {c}, {s, t}} J = {{a}, {c}, {b, s, t}} K = {{a, b, c}, {s, t}} L = {{a, b}, {c, s, t}} (4) I = {{a}, {b}, {c}, {s, t}} J = {{a}, {c}, {b, s, t}} K = {{a, b, c}, {s, t}} L = {{a, b}, {c, s, t}} (5) (6) (7) I = {{a}, {b}, {c}, {s, t}} J = {{a}, {c}, {b, s, t}} K = {{a, b, c}, {s, t}} L = {{a, b}, {c, s, t}} [[φ]] O = { I = {{a}, {b}, {c}, {s, t}} [[φ]] F = { I = {{a}, {b}, {c}, {s, t}} J = {{a}, {c}, {b, s, t}} J = {{a}, {c}, {b, s, t}} K = {{a, b, c}, {s, t}} K = {{a, b, c}, {s, t}} L = {{a, b}, {c, s, t}} } L = {{a, b}, {c, s, t}} } iff K J-L, then I = {{a}, {b}, {c}, {s, t}} J = {{a}, {c}, {b, s, t}} K = {{a, b, c}, {s, t}} L = {{a, b}, {c, s, t}} AG3 References Brisson, 1998, Distributivity, Nonmaximality, and Floating Quantifiers, PhD: Rutgers. Carlson, 1998, Thematic Roles and the Individuation of Events, in Events and Grammar, pp , Kluwer. Rooth, 1985, Association with Focus, PhD: UMass. Rooth, 1992, A theory of Focus interpretation, NLS 1. Schwarzschild, 1996, Pluralities, Dordrecht. Kluwer. 107

127 Haus 6, Raum S15 Emerging Information Structure Effects: Clitic Particles in Khanty Maksim Kudrinski 1, Daria Popova 2, Svetlana Toldova 3, and Alexandra Simonenko 4 1 Moscow State U., 2 Stanford, 3 Russian State U. for the Humanities, 4 McGill Freitag, 15.3., 13:00 13:30 AG3 1 In this work we show that Khanty (Finno-Ugric) makes use of two particles which realize functional heads in the left periphery of the extended NP and extended VP and that can give rise to semantic effects of novelty, familiarity, and uniqueness. Descriptively, particles pa and s i can be either pro- or enclitics on the noun. In Nikolaeva (1999) proclitical and enclitical instances are treated as separate lexical entries on the grounds of their differing semantics. Our account derives the meaning differences from the interaction of the denotation of a particle (which stays constant) with its syntactic position. Pa-proclitic means one more, (3), while pa-enclitic also, (4). S i-proclitic translates as that, (5), and on its enclitical use it conveys a contrast, (6). 2 We argue that pa can realize Add(itive)Foc(us) head in the left periphery of the extended NP or the extended VP. It denotes a function which takes a property and an individual-type argument, and returns truth in case the property holds of the individual. Crucially, it introduces a presupposition that in addition to the individual in question at least one more individual in the anaphoric context has the relevant property: (1) [[pa]] c = λp. λx : y[y f(c) & P(y) & y x]. P(x) f is a function that returns a set of individuals mentioned in the anaphoric context c. 2.1 The reading one more corresponds to the nominal AddFoc. The denotation of NumP is the first argument of [[pa]], and the second argument eventually undergoes existential closure. This configuration introduces a novel referent. 2.2 The reading also obtains in case AddFoc is part of the clausal left periphery. The complement of AddFoc is CP (type <t>). The Subject moves to SpecTop(ic)P. As a result of lambda-abstraction over Subject s trace an expression of type <e,t> is created a suitable argument for [[pa]]. The second 108

128 Haus 6, Raum S15 argument is filled by the expression in SpecTopP, which gives rise to the familiarity effect. 3 The denotation of s i, realizing Foc(us), differs only in the presuppositional part: that there be no individual in the anaphoric context different from the individual in question that has the relevant property. (2) [[s i]] c = λp.λx : y[y f (c)&p(y)&y x].p(x) 3.1 The that reading obtains when [[PossP]] is the first argument of [[s i]], while the second argument undergoes existential closure, creating a uniqueness effect. 3.2 Merge of Foc up in the clausal left-periphery is responsible for the contrastive reading. 4 That the adnominal particles in Khanty create semantic effects comparable to those of Indo-European articles points to a more general conclusion that natural languages can use different syntactico-semantic strategies to achieve similar pragmatic effects. (3) Petja pa=vuli vel-s. Petja ADD=deer kill-pst Petja killed one more deer. (4) Petja=pa vuli vel-s Petja=ADD deer kill-pst Petja also killed a deer. (5) Petja s Petja FOC=deer-3SG kill-pst-3sg.sg Petja killed that deer. (6) Petja vuli=s i vel-s. Petja deer=foc kill-pst Petja killed a deer {not a rabbit}. References Horn, L A presuppositional analysis of only and even. Krifka, M Additive particles under stress. Nikolaeva, I Ostyak. AG3 109

129 Bewährtes und Neues bei Kröner Hadumod Bußmann Lexikon der Sprachwissenschaft Neu bearbeitet und im Oktavformat orientiert dieses Lexikon, das längst zum Standardwerk geworden ist, in»bekannt hoher Qualität«(Lexicographica) über alle wichtigen Begriffe und Bereiche, Disziplinen und Unterdisziplinen der Sprachwissenschaft.»There is no better lexicon of linguistics available.«hubert Haider, Studies in Language 4. durchgesehene und bibliographisch ergänzte Auflage Oktavformat XLI, 819 Seiten, 34 Graphiken, 14 Tabellen, 8 Abbildungen. KTA Seiten, Leinen e (D) 32,80 ISBN Philipp Theisohn Literarisches Eigentum Zur Ethik geistiger Arbeit im digitalen Zeitalter. Essay Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung»ein glänzender Essay [ ] Theisohns Plädoyer für eine neue, hermeneutisch inspirierte Textethik kann man nur unterschreiben.«thomas Thiel Seiten, Broschur e (D) 11,90 ISBN Alfred Kröner Verlag Lenzhalde Stuttgart Tel: 0711/ Fax: -46 Weitere Informationen zu diesen und allen anderen Titeln (Leseproben, Pressestimmen, Autorenprofil und mehr) erhalten Sie unter Kröner

130 Arbeitsgruppe 4 Parentheses and Ellipsis: Crosslinguistic and Theoretical Perspectives Marlies Kluck Dennis Ott Mark de Vries Workshop description This AG intends to bring together scholarship on parenthesis and incompleteness phenomena (ellipsis), and especially the interplay between the two. In addition to regular types of ellipsis (sluicing, VP ellipsis) in parenthetical contexts, various types of parentheses have been argued to be inherently incomplete and/or contain an empty operator: the missing object in comment clauses (Schneider 2007), the implied subject plus copula in appositions (Heringa 2011), covert clausal structure in identificational afterthoughts (Ott & De Vries 2012), etc. We are interested in empirical differences and similarities between (unrelated) languages in this domain, as well as theoretical approaches to incomplete parenthesis. Since incompleteness is often contingent on informationstructural properties, and since parentheses appear to be in a different informational dimension than the at issue content of an utterance (Potts 2005), one expects the intersection of these two domains to reveal interesting facts and generalizations (for instance, concerning the cross-linguistically variable expression of focus). Thus, we can ask questions like the following: AG4 111 To what extent can parentheses be incomplete? Is this similar to regular ellipsis, deaccenting, or various drop phenomena?

131 Haus 6, Raum S16 What are cross-linguistic similarities and dissimilarities with respect to ellipsis and parenthesis? (Factors may be word order patterns, case and morphology, prosody, etc.) How does information structure influence incompleteness phenomena? Does this work differently in parenthetical contexts, and if so, what are the theoretical implications? Parentheticals are presumably CPs Sandra Döring / U. of Leipzig Mittwoch, 13.3., 14:30 15:00 In the literature, the discussion on parentheticals mostly focusses on their external syntax, i.e., on the question on how parentheticals are syntactically integrated (if at all) into their anchor clause (see among others Haegeman 1988, Espinal 1991, de Vries 2007). In contrast, the internal syntax of parentheticals has received much less attention so far. One reason for this may be that, superficially, parentheticals appear in categorially different shapes. For instance, in English, parentheticals seem to be realizable as clauses 1[a], as PPs 1[b], as adverbs 1[c], or as NPs 1[d]. AG4 (1) a. Usain Bolt this has to be admitted is the fastest man in the world. b. Usain Bolt for sure is the fastest man in the world. c. Usain Bolt undoubtedly is the fastest man in the world. d. Usain Bolt a Jamaican is the fastest man in the world. In my talk, I focus on the internal syntax of parentheticals in German. I argue that, despite superficial appearance, the categorial identity of parentheticals is actually not as heterogeneous as it seems to be. I propose that, underlyingly, parentheticals are clausal, i.e., CPs. The proposal, thus, assimilates parentheticals to other phenomena analyzed by ellipsis, such as sluicing (Ross 1969, Merchant 2001), fragment answers (Merchant 2004), split questions (Arregi 2010), amalgams (Kluck 2011), and left dislocation (Ott 2012). 112

132 Haus 6, Raum S16 Parenthesis and Comparative Operator Deletion Julia Bacskai-Atkari / U. Potsdam Mittwoch, 13.3., 15:00-15:30 The aim of my talk is to provide a theoretical approach towards parenthetical constructions in Hungarian introduced by mint as/than, examining their relation to true comparative subclauses introduced by the same element. The focus will be on the deletion of the comparative operator, which is optional in comparatives but if mint is not eliminated impossible in parenthetical clauses. This will be shown to be due to the presence of a null operator in parenthetical clauses corresponding to the implied subject or the missing object (cf. Schneider 2007), ruling out the co-occurrence of another operator. Hungarian comparative subclauses are introduced by mint than/as, which can be followed by an operator optionally taking an AP: (1) Peti magasabb, mint amilyen (magas) az apja. Peter taller than how-rel. tall the father-poss.3.sg. Peter is taller than his father. In parenthetical clauses introduced by mint, the expectation is that the operator is optional. This seems to be largely valid: (2) A teknősök, mint (ahogy) tudjuk, szeretik a rákot. the turtles as how-rel. know-1.pl. like-3.pl. the shrimp-acc. Turtles, as we know, like shrimp. Here mint is followed by ahogy, other operator-like elements behave differently: AG4 (3) Peti, (*mint) amilyen magas, be fogja verni a Peter as how-rel. tall PREV Aux.Fut.3.Sg. hit the fejét. head-poss.3.sg. Peter, tall as he is, will hit his head. Here the QP containing the operator is the predicate of the parenthetical subclause. The question is the following: what is it that prohibits the co-presence of mint and amilyen but does not rule out that of mint and ahogy? Building on the split CP (Rizzi 1997), I will show that the reason behind this is that while amilyen is part of an argument and lands in the operator position via wh-movement, ahogy in parenthetical clauses is a grammaticalised C 113

133 Haus 6, Raum S16 head. Hence mint and ahogy may co-occur as two C heads and the null operator (the implied subject Op.) may also be present. As for amilyen, it cannot occupy the lower [Spec; CP] position, and it cannot move to the higher [Spec; CP] either as that would violate the DFCF. However, if mint is not present in the structure, amilyen can move up to the higher [Spec; CP], satisfying the [EDGE] feature of the higher (null) C head. I will show that all this has two major theoretical implications: first, the impossibility of true, overt operators in the lower [Spec; CP] in cases like (6) and (7) provides additional evidence for the existence of a null operator there. Second, the prediction that argument operators (such as amilyen) do not grammaticalize into C heads while adjuncts (such as ahogy) may is in line with the general mechanism of operators being reanalysed into C heads. References Rizzi, Luigi (1997) The Fine Structure of the Left Periphery. In: Haegeman, Liliane (ed.), Elements of Grammar. Dordrecht: Kluwer Schneider, Stefan (2007) Reduced Parenthetical Clauses in Romance Languages: A Pragmatic Typology. In: Nicole Dehé and Yordanka Kavalova (eds.), Parentheticals. Amsterdam: John Benjamins AG4 How do you think? On the apparent wh-scope marking in Russian Natalia Korotkova / UCLA Mittwoch, 13.3., 15:30 16:00 This paper explores properties of the Russian kak-construction consisting of two interrogative clauses, a kak-clause with the fronted wh-adverbial kak how and a wh-clause with a fronted wh-phrase: (1) kak ty duma-esh, otchego ljud-i ne how you(sg.nom) think-2sg.pres why people-nom.pl neg leta-jut? fly-3pl.pres What do you think, why don t people fly? This construction was analysed as an instance of Wh-Scope Marking (Stepanov 2000). However, it shows a range of puzzling properties: 1) no binding relations between the two clauses, 2) no further embedding of the entire kakconstruction, 3) almost any linear position of the kak-clause, 4) strong preference towards second person subjects and present tense in the kak-clause, 5) 114

134 Haus 6, Raum S16 the kak-clause is limited to five verbs that do not constitute a natural syntactic class. Pieces of this puzzle come together if the kak-clause is treated as a parenthetical, whose determining characteristic is structural independence (Dehe & Kavalova 2007). Dayal (2000) provides a unified semantic analysis for all scope marking constructions and puts cross-linguistic variation solely in syntax. The parenthetical behaviour of the kak-construction does not pose a problem for this account, where both clauses are treated as regular questions within Hamblin semantics and the scope marker functions as an existential quantifier over propositions. Yet the choice of predicates available in the kak-clause does not match that of other scope marking languages nor does it follow from any syntactic constraints on clausal complements in Russian. The locus of variation has to be shifted to semantics. Besides that, the Russian kak does not function as a quantifier over propositions outside of the kak-construction. To ask What do you think? Russian uses chto what, not how, while what cannot be used in the kak-construction in kak s stead. These facts demonstrate that Russian demands an alternative account on the semantic side as well. I propose an approach wherein the kak-clause is a parenthetical and neither of the clauses is syntactically subordinate. In the spirit of Potts s (2002) analysis of English As-parentheticals, I develop a semantics wherein the whclause denotes an at-issue question and the kak-clause triggers a Conventional Implicature The speaker wants to know the addressee s opinion about that question. Extra empirical support comes from kak s being the most common way to introduce parentheticals throughout the language. Kak-parentheticals outside of interrogatives are not limited to any particular predicate, subject or tense. I suggest that the Russian kak-clause grammaticises one narrow class of questions frequently met in discourse, namely, inquiries about addressee s, hence the second person, current, hence the present tense, belief state, hence only very general and neutral predicates of thinking. Plain questions often ask about this, the kak-clause just makes it explicit. Absence of restrictions on tense, person and predicates would result in a further departure from the initial at-issue question and would add significantly more information to the question conveyed by the wh-clause. Neither these restrictions nor their possible explanation are predicted by any scope marking approach. AG4 115

135 Haus 6, Raum S16 References Dayal V Scope marking: Cross-linguistics variation in indirect dependency. In Lutz et al. (eds), Wh-Scope Marking. John Benjamins. Dehe N. & Y. Kavalova (eds.) Parentheticals. John Benjamins. Potts C The syntax and semantics of As-parentheticals. NLLT 20:3, Stepanov A Wh-scope marking in Slavic. Studia Linguistica 54, Tag questions and pseudo -ellipsis Matthew Barros and Jeroen van Craenenbroeck Mittwoch, 13.3., 16:30 17:00 Recent work on ellipsis supports the existence of various kinds of pseudoellipsis, where the E(llipsis)-site is not syntactically isomorphic to its antecedent, being instead a cleft or copula clause (e.g. Sczcegielniak 2008, Rodrigues et al. 2009, van Craenenbroeck 2012). (1) Sally likes someone, but I wonder who. a.... who <it is>. (non-isomorphic) b.... who <she likes>. (isomorphic) AG4 What is missing in this literature is a good way of determining whether a given E-site is isomorphic or not. We introduce a new diagnostic, the interaction between tag questions and ellipsis, which gives us a direct window into the degree of isomorphism in the E-site. The surprising and novel conclusion this diagnostic leads us to is that E-sites are, by default, non-isomorphic. Dependent tag questions (DTQs) are polar questions with VP-ellipsis (Sailor 2011). As (2-5) show, a DTQ and its host clause must be isomorphic. (2) Jack talked to Sally, didn t he <VPE talk to Sally>? (3) *Jack talked to Sally, wasn t it <VPE Jack>? (4) It was Jack, wasn t it <VPE Jack>? (5) *It was Jack, didn t he <VPE talk to Sally>? Sentence Fragments, derived via ellipsis (Merchant 2004), may also host DT- Qs; since DTQs and their hosts are isomorphic, we can use DTQs to test the structure of elided hosts to see if they, in turn, are isomorphic to their antecedents. In (6), B s fragment is derived by A -movement of the fragment followed by TP ellipsis. The data in (6)/(7) show that a DTQ consistent with a nonisomorphic host is possible ((6a)/(7a)), and that a DTQ consistent with a non- 116

136 Haus 6, Raum S16 isomorphic host is more natural than an isomorphic one ((6b)/(7b)), i.e. nonisomorphism is the default. (6) A: Bill met a member of the Linguistics Department. B: (a) Yes, Ken Safir <TPE... > wasn t it? TPE = It was Ken Safir, wasn t it? (b)??yes, Ken Safir <TPE... > didn t he? TPE = Bill met Ken Safir, didn t he? (7) A: Who can Bill talk to? B: (a) Ken Safir <TPE... > isn t it? TPE = It s Ken Safir, isn t it? (b)??ken Safir <TPE... > can t he? TPE = He can talk to Ken Safir, can t he? We also show it is possible to force an isomorphic parse, by independently ruling out cleft E-sites. Because of exhaustivity associated with clefts, clefted XP s cannot be modified by too. Fragments modified with these are incompatible with cleft DTQ s, and isomorphic-dtq s are acceptable: (8) A: Jack likes Sally. B: (a) Christine too, doesn t he? (b) *Christine too, isn t it? The data above lead us to following generalization: (9) Default Non-Isomorphism (DNI): If a fragment could have come from a non-isomorphic source, it must have. AG4 This generalization is novel in that it contradicts most if not all of the existing literature on this topic, where the consensus is that non-isomorphic ellipsis sites are the exception (e.g. Fox 1999, van Craenenbroeck 2010). We derive (9) by analyzing clefting as a form of redundancy reduction (Rooth 1992), just like ellipsis. Given that two forms of redundancy reduction are better than one, eliding a non-reduced isomorphic structure is more costly than eliding a reduced non-isomorphic structure. This approach has the added benefit of explaining why it is only clefts that show up in non-isomorphic E-sites, and not one of the many conceivable alternatives. 117

137 Haus 6, Raum S16 The inherent syntactic incompleteness of RNR Bradley Larson Mittwoch, 13.3., 17:00 17:30 Aim: I argue for an account of Right Node Raising (RNR) in which the shared material only exists syntactically in the final conjunct. That is, in example (1) there is nothing in the underscored gap position. The interpretation in the gap position of the underlined shared material only arises post-syntactically. The shared material is argued to be old information and thus presupposed and inferred into the first conjunct. There has been no movement from that position, no deletion, nor is the shared material related to the gap via multidominance. (1) James bought and Jane sold boxes of collectables AG4 Background: There are three current analyses of RNR: ATB rightward movement of the shared material [1], phonological deletion of the shared material in the first conjunct [2], and multidominance of the shared material, linearized to the right [3]. Each of these analyses runs into problems already noted in the literature and cannot alone be the correct analysis. For example, the movement account fails to predict the acceptability of the shared element being the object of a preposition (5) because these cannot move rightward in English. The deletion analysis also fails to predict the acceptability of (2) because objects of prepositions cannot elide. (2) James talked about, and Jane talked to, the man with the parrot The multidominance account fails to predict (among other things) the lack of binding principle restrictions between the first conjunct and the shared material (6). The co-indexed pronoun in the first conjunct does not seem to c- command the shared material and does not violate principle C, against the prediction of multidominance. (6) He hopes that she won t, but she knows that she will, fire John Further, [4] shows that these analyses cannot account for the data by working in concert either. The result is that it must be the case that none of these is a correct account of RNR and that a new account must be proposed. Basic Proposal: One remaining logically possible way to derive the first conjunct s gap is to posit that there is literally nothing there in the syntax and that the first conjunct is incomplete. There is no syntactic relation between the first 118

138 Haus 6, Raum S16 conjunct and the shared material. The verb bought in (1) fails to take an internal argument (I assume a syntax without c-selection, otherwise syntactic incompleteness would be grammatically impossible) and the shared material is c-commanded only by lexical items in the second conjunct. The example in (6) is thus predicted (he does not c-command John). References [1] Sabbagh, J Ordering and linearizing rightward movement. NLLT 25: [2] Hartmann, K RNR and gapping: Interface conditions on prosodic deletion. [3] Wilder, C Right Node Raising and the LCA. In Proceedings of WCCFL 18. [4] Larson, B A Dilemma with Accounts of Right-node raising. LI Overt Functional Heads License Ellipsis: A Unified Account of VP-Ellipsis and Ellipsis in Possessive DPs Tracy Conner / U. of Massachusetts Amherst Mittwoch, 13.3., 17:30 18:00 In this paper I present new evidence from verb phrase ellipsis and ellipsis in possessive DPs in African American English (AAE) showing that the ellipsis licensors in I and D must be overt. AAE is particularly important to establish this generalization due to the fact that the possessive s morpheme and auxiliary be are both typically optional, yet they are required in elliptical contexts. Previous work by Lobeck (1995) presents a unified account of ellipsis licensing in the government and binding framework for sluicing, VP-Ellipsis (VPE) and NP-Ellipsis (NPE), which relates ellipsis licensing to the presence of strong agreement features on functional heads C, I, and D. She suggests that these features can either be spelled-out on the head, or on the phrase that agrees with that head. In the current theory, Merchant (2001) extends her analysis to propose that a feature, E, on a functional head licenses ellipsis as it contains relevant syntactic, semantic and phonological information necessary for ellipsis to be carried out at PF. Licensing of VPE specifically has also been attributed to the presence of an overt Aux in the highest functional projection. While feature based accounts of ellipsis licensing typically result in a phonologically realized head in the examples that have been discussed in the literature, it has not been concretely stated that these elements in a functional head must be overt. In this paper, I will show that optionality in possessive marking in prenominal possessive environments as in (1) in AAE is blocked in elliptical AG4 119

139 Haus 6, Raum S16 contexts as in (2) - which is ungrammatical under the reading where Nannette is a possessor - if overt s morphology is unexpressed. (1) Carmen s/ø dog is mean and feisty, so I ll keep [Nannette s/ ø dog] any day. (2) Carmen s/ø dog is mean and feisty, so I ll keep [Nannette s/* ø _] any day. I argue that this alternation is due to a requirement for an overt ellipsis licensor ( s) in Do. Since, possessive morphology is optional prenominally in AAE but required only in elliptical contexts, these facts demonstrate that overtness of the morpheme is imperative to licensing of ellipsis. The same alternation is also possible in the IP domain for auxiliary be in AAE. In (3) the auxiliary can be optionally expressed while the ungrammaticality of the zero-form in (4) illustrates that this element must also be overt in elliptical constructions. (3) Jenny ain t cracking jokes, but Cindy [is/ø cracking jokes]. (4) Jenny ain t cracking jokes, but Cindy [is/*ø _]. AG4 To this end, we can see evidence from AAE that NPE and VPE pattern the same - both require an overt head licensor for ellipsis. Ultimately, I extend this analysis of overt head-licensing to other instances of ellipsis, and make the case that sluicing (an instance of licensing in absence of an overt head) is not a general ellipsis process, and thus is subject to different licensing criteria. References Lobeck, Anne (1995). Ellipsis. New York: Oxford University Press. Merchant, Jason (2001), The Syntax of Silence: Sluicing, Islands, and the Theory of Ellipsis, Oxford University Press, Oxford. The Negation In VP-Ellipsis in Mandarin Chinese Yiqin Qiu Mittwoch, 13.3., 18:00 18:30 It has been argued by Huang (1991) that verbs undergo V-to-v movement in Mandarin Chinese (MC). Following this proposition, we distinguish two types of VP-ellipsis in MC. The V-Stranding VP-Ellipsis (VSVPE) in which the V projection is deleted after the verb was moved from V to v (cf. 1a); and the canonical VP-Ellipsis (VPE) of shi be -support (cf.1a) which is pointed out to be a deep anaphora occurrence by Ai (2006) according to the deep and 120

140 Haus 6, Raum S16 surface anaphora distinction of Hankamer and Sag (1976). It has also been argued that the auxiliary verb shi be is actually a pro-vp (Li, 1998) and the negation of it (cf. 1b) in the target clause should be recognized as an instance of Stripping rather than a canonical VPE as its counterpart in English (Ai, 2006). However, I would like to demonstrate that neither the strong nor the weak pragmatic control can sustain this statement. In fact, both the positive and negative shi be -support construction in MC is a case of canonical VPE. (1) a. Zhangsan xihuan ta-de mama, Lisi ye xihuan/shi Zhangsan like his mother Lisi also like/be Zhangsan likes his mother, Lisi does, too. b.?zhangsan hen xihuan ta-de mama, (danshi) Lisi que bu shi. Zhangsan very like his mother but Lisi yet Neg. BE Zhangsan likes his mother very much, (but) Lisi doesn t. Xu (2003) claimed that shi be cannot be used to replace a verb phrase when either the first or the second clause is negative in form. This is also a particularity that differentiates shi be from the modal verbs in VPE in MC. However, this is not what the distribution of negation in VPE tells us. The distinctive tolerance two negative morphemes, bu and mei, in MC regarding different types of verbs shows that there is an hierarchy of the negative projections in the VPE (cf.2). The two negative morphemes have to be posited at different levels in the syntactic structure to account for the two possible target clauses in (2b).This study also shed light on the whole hierarchy of adverbs in MC, as the analysis has to account for the fact that the adverbs as conglai always in the antecedent clause somehow affect the grammaticality and the interpretation of the target clause (cf. 2). (2) a. Zhangsan?(conglai) bu shanghai bieren, Lisi ye shi. Zhangsan always Neg hurt others Lisi also BE Zhangsan will never hurt the others, neither will Lisi. b. Zhangsan?(conglai) mei shanghai guo bieren, Lisi ye mei Zhangsan always Neg hurt Exp. others Lisi also Neg you / Lisi ye shi. HAVE Lisi also BE Zhangsan never hurt anyone, neither did Lisi. References Ai, R.-X. R Elliptical Predicate Constructions in Mandarin, PhD diss., Harvard University. Hankamer, J. et Sag, I Deep and Surface Anaphora, Linguistic Inquiry 7 : Xu, Liejiong Remarks on VP-Ellipsis in Disguise, Linguistic Inquiry, 34, p AG4 121

141 Haus 6, Raum S16 AG4 Remarks on parenthesis and incompleteness phenomena in the Romance languages Stefan Schneider / Karl-Franzens-U. Graz Mittwoch, 13.3., 09:00 10:00 The lecture discusses reduced parenthetical clauses (Schneider 2007), e. g. Fr. je crois I think, It. mi sembra it seems to me, complete parenthetical clauses, e. g. Fr. je l espère I hope, Sp. digámoslo así let s say it like that, as well as parenthetical constructions in general. Interestingly, the difference between complete vs. incomplete parenthesis has always been an issue (especially in French linguistics; cf. Cornulier s [1978] distinction between incises and incidentes ). There is no doubt, however, that the discussion about completeness vs. incompleteness is strongly biased towards a sentential view of grammar. Recent approaches take a broader perspective (Kaltenböck, Heine and Kuteva 2011). At the outset, I present some basic thoughts on parenthesis. The decision to put an information in a parenthetical position is caused by specific pragmatic motivations (thematic aside, speech reporting, phatic signal, speaker commitment, etc.) and has fundamental consequences, most importantly the break-up of linearity and the extra-propositional status. The prototypical parenthesis is a specialised discourse device enabling the speaker to combine two speech acts within one utterance. However, since parentheticals are considered to be thematic interruptions or deviations, the space they can occupy is restricted. Parentheticals are constructions produced under time pressure and with limited memory and articulatory resources, which partly explains why they are subject to incompleteness phenomena. The various types of parentheticals are then discussed and reviewed according to their distance from what I assume to be the prototypical parenthetical construction. In the majority of cases, the grammatical form of a parenthetical can be attributed to the specific pragmatic motivation that originated it. The following section reviews various types of incompleteness phenomena, e. g. regular ellipsis, drop -phenomena, plain incompleteness. In a second step, several parenthetical constructions are discussed in the light of their behaviour regarding incompleteness. The final part of the lecture investigates the extent to which parenthetical constructions can be incomplete. Apart from the syntactic type and the pragmatic motivation of the construction, other factors must be involved, among them the spoken vs. written channel and probably also diachronic development. In fact, data of an ongoing research on parentheticals in Old and middle 122

142 Haus 6, Raum S16 French suggest that, in older stages of French, parenthetical incompleteness was more restricted (Schneider, in print). References Cornulier, Benoît de L incise, la classe des verbes parenthétiques et le signe mimique. Cahiers de Linguistique de l Université de Québec 8, Kaltenböck, Gunther, Bernd Heine, Tania Kuteva On thetical grammar. Studies in Language 35, Schneider, Stefan Reduced parenthetical clauses as mitigators. A corpus study of spoken French, Italian and Spanish. Amsterdam - Philadelphia: Benjamins. Schneider Stefan, in print. Parenthetische Teilsätze in mittelfranzösischen Texten des 14. und 15. Jahrhunderts. Zeitschrift für romanische Philologie 129. On the prosody and interpretation of some non-integrated constituents Werner Frey and Hubert Truckenbrodt / ZAS Berlin Donnerstag, 14.3., 10:00 10:30 The separate prosody of parentheticals and appositives has previously been described in terms of intonation phrase boundaries (Selkirk 2005). We look at it in terms of the strongest stress of such an intonation phrase, sentence stress, with the requirement in (1a). Thus, the root clause in (1b), excluding the parenthetical, must carry sentence stress. This requirement cannot be satisfied on the parenthetical in (1c), since it is not part of the root clause. (1) a. Root clauses must contain sentence stress. b. John will not have TIME, I think. c. John will not have time, I THINK. AG4 We argue that the elliptical constructions of right dislocation (RD) and afterthought (AT) in German (Avarintseva-Klisch 2006) similarly show exclusion from the root clause, and differ in this from extraposition: (2) a. Ich habe sie GESEHEN die Maria RD (one intonation phrase) b. Ich habe sie GESEHEN die MARIA AT (two intonation phrases) c. *Ich habe sie gesehen die MARIA I have her seen the Maria d. Ich I habe ein Buch have a book shows via (1a) that Maria not part of r.cl. von MARIA. by Maria t gelesen read 123

143 Haus 6, Raum S16 extraposed constituent part of root clause We then discuss when an excluded element requires sentence stress of its own. (3) a. Stress-deletion hypothesis: Missing sentence stress on an excluded elliptical element reflects deletion of sentence stress in the ellipsis process. b. Root-clause hypothesis: Missing sentence stress on an excluded element reflects lack of root-clause status in the sense of (1a) of the excluded element. The stress-deletion hypothesis is supported by correlations of stress-assignment on RD and AT ellipsis remnants and stress-assignment on their assumed source structures before deletion. The root-clause hypothesis is developed with final perpheral adverbial clauses (Haegeman 2004, Frey 2011). These show root-clause like properties insofar they can host modal particles as in (4). The obligatory sentence stress on the root clause suggests that the adverbial clause is outside of the rootclause. (4) Hans ist heute zu Hause geblieben (obwohl er (doch) sonst spazieren geht) Hans stayed home today (while he (MP) otherwise takes a walk). AG4 However, the stress on the adverbial clause is not obligatory, unlike in other cases of continuative root-clauses. Following up on Frey (2011) we argue that root-clauses in the sense relevant for (1a) do not include potential speech acts (which license modal particles) but must be actual speech acts. This hypothesis refines suggestions in the literature about a connection between speech acts and intonation phrase formation. References Avarintseva-Klisch The separate performative account of the German right dislocation. Sinn und Bedeutung 10. Frey Peripheral adverbial clauses, their licensing and the prefield in German. In: Breindl et al. (eds.), Satzverknüpfung (... ) de Gruyter. Haegeman The syntax of adverbial clauses (... ), Antwerp Papers in Linguistics. Selkirk Comments on intonational phrasing in English. In: Frota et al. (eds.), Prosodies. Mouton. 124

144 Haus 6, Raum S16 Syntax-Prosody Mapping in Turkish: The case of Parentheticals Güliz Güneş / RUG Donnerstag, 14.3., 10:30 11:00 Prosodic constituency is determined by syntactic constituency. (Selkirk 1978 et seq.) The Match Theory (Selkirk 2009) states that (i) clauses are mapped as intonational phrases (?s), (ii) sub-clausal constituents are mapped as phonological phrases (Fs) in the prosodic representation. In this theory, parentheticals are parsed as? s for two reasons: (i) clausal parentheticals are parsed as? s since syntactic clauses are matched as? s, and (ii) parentheticals are extra-sentential, and syntactically isolated structures are parsed as? s (Selkirk 1986, Bolinger 1989, among others). The existence or lack of any?-level cues aligned with a parenthetical is indicative of that parenthetical s prosodic isolation or prosodic integration respectively. This study investigates Turkish parentheticals. It shows that the assumptions of the Match theory appear inadequate for the case of Turkish parentheticals. Günes (2012) observes that, in Turkish, parentheticals are not isolated as independent? s but are integrated and parsed as independent F of the? that is introduced by their host clause. She concludes that syntactically clausal or not, parentheticals are parsed as independent F s but not? s. Therefore, they are prosodically integrated. This paper tests the validity of Günes s conclusions on an expanded data set. Specifically, the prosody of Turkish parentheticals that are syntactic clauses (finite or non-finite clauses such as (2) and (3)) and parentheticals that are syntactically phrases (XP parentheticals such as (1)) were compared with experimental data. Acoustic properties of parentheticals and surrounding host clause parts were compared to corresponding F and? boundaries within and across root clauses without parentheticals. Pre-boundary vowel lengthening, pitch range variation, speech rate difference and mean intensity values were investigated. The results show: AG4 (i) In line with Günes (2012), phrasal parentheticals are prosodically integrated. (1) (ii) Clausal parentheticals show variation: (a) Finite clausal parentheticals are isolated. (2) (b) Non-finite clausal parentheticals are integrated. (3) 125

145 Haus 6, Raum S16 In conclusion, parsing of parentheticals in Turkish contradicts with the assumptions of syntax-prosody mapping theories and accords with the observations of Günes (2012). Contra Selkirk (2009), not all syntactic clauses are mapped as independent? s. This study shows that prosody in Turkish does not reflect narrow syntactic constituency, but surface-level representations. Integrated phrasal; NP apposition: (1) [(Boray-lar-i)F (dayi-m-in ogl-u-nu)f (ova-lar-da)f B-PL-ACC uncle-poss-gen son-poss-acc hill-pl-loc (yil-lar-dir)f (gör-mü-yor-um.)f]? year-pl-for see-neg-prg-1sg I have not seen Boray my uncle s son in the hills for years. Isolated finite clausal; finite clausal insertion: (2) [(Neriman)F [(el-i-nde)f (bavul-lar var-di)f]? N. hand-poss-loc suitcase-pl exist-past (yegen-ler-i-ni)f (Nuray lar-a ugurla-di)f]? cousin-pl-poss-acc N.-PL-DAT send-off-past Neriman there were suitcases in her hand sent off her cousins to Nuray s. Integrated non-finite clausal; nominalized non-restrictive relative clause: AG4 (3) [(Nedim)F (yenil-en Hülya-ya)F (hediye-ler-le)f (moral N. lose-nom H.-DAT present-pl-inst morale ver-iyor.)f]? give-prog Nedim consoles Hülya who lost (the game) with presents. References Güneş, G Prosody of parenthesis and prosodic integration: A study in Turkish. Ms. Groningen. Selkirk, E On clause and intonational phrase in Japanese: the syntactic grounding of prosodic constituent structure. In Gengo Kenkyu 136, On theticals: A rootless analysis of I think Gunther Kaltenböck and Bernd Heine Donnerstag, 14.3., 11:30 12:00 Reviewing a wide range of different linguistic approaches, Newmeyer (2012) argues that the English information unit I think in all examples of (1) is an 126

146 Haus 6, Raum S16 apparent main clause, that is, a main clause taking a subordinate clause at some point in its analysis. With this hypothesis, which he calls a root analysis, he takes issue with alternative approaches, referred to by him as rootless (or non-root) analyses. According to the latter approaches, I think is classified as something else, be that a different kind of syntactic constituent or no syntactic constituent at all. (1) a. I think we should leave as soon as possible. b. We should leave, I think, as soon as possible. c. We should leave as soon as possible, I think. The main purpose of the present paper is to argue in favour of a rootless analysis according to which apparent main clauses, at least those in (1b-c) are syntactically independent. We do so, first of all, by critically reviewing some of the evidence presented in favour of a root analysis and then by presenting an alternative, rootless account. The critical discussion of arguments in favour of a root analysis focuses on the ones presented by Newmeyer 2012, especially his rejection of the idea that parentheticals are invisible to syntactic operations. He provides a number of structural tests, such as the question test, the behaviour of negative comment clauses, and VP ellipsis, which, we argue, offer at best inconclusive evidence. Particular emphasis will also be given to two more general questions, viz. the type of evidence used to arrive at decisions of linguistic taxonomy and the question of isomorphism, i.e. whether there are systematic structural correlations between different components of grammar. Our alternative approach to I think builds on the notion of Thetical Grammar (Kaltenböck et al. 2011). We argue that parenthaticals such as I think, or theticals more generally, are created by cooptation. This is an instantaneous cognitive-communicative operation which lifts an information unit out of Sentence Grammar and presents it as a syntactically and prosodically autonomous unit, whose meaning is consequently shaped by its function in discourse. Using the framework of Discourse Grammar (Heine et al. forthc.) it is further hypothesized that I think in (1b-c) does not constitute an isolated phenomenon but rather belongs to a large pool of theticals (or parentheticals), which also include information units such as formulae of social exchange, imperatives, vocatives, and interjections. AG4 References Heine, Bernd, Gunther Kaltenböck, Tania Kuteva, and Haiping Long. forthc. An outline of Discourse Grammar. In Bischoff, Shannon and Jeny, Carmen (eds.). Reflections on Functionalism in Linguistics. Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter. Kal- 127

147 Haus 6, Raum S16 tenböck, Gunther, Heine, Bernd & Tania Kuteva On thetical grammar, Studies in Language 35 (4): Newmeyer, Frederick J Parentheticals, fragments, and the grammar of complementation. Plenary talk given at Les verbs parenthétiques: hypotaxe, parataxe ou parenthèse? Université Paris Ouest Nanterre, 24 May AG4 Amalgamation in mitigator constructions James Griffiths / U. Groningen Donnerstag, 14.3., 12:00 12:30 Mitigators such as I think in (1a) and (1b) can be interpreted as mitigating the speaker s responsibility for the truth of an assertion, as in (1a), or as mitigating the speaker s responsibility for choosing the correct definite description from a contextually relevant set, as in (1b), where Bill is chosen from a set of possible accompaniers of John. As well as displaying a dissimilar range of semantic scope, (1a) and (1b) display dissimilar syntactic properties. The mitigators in (1a) may be optionally headed by so (2a), and license semantically opaque negation (3a), while the mitigators in (1b) cannot (see (2b) and (3b)). To account for these dissimilar syntactic properties (and others), and to explain the dissimilar ranges of scope, I propose that (1a) and (1b) display radically different syntactic derivations. I claim that the mitigators in (1a) are parenthetical adverbial clauses whose empty object position is filled by a referential element that co-refers with the clause into which the mitigator interpolates. This operator A -moves to SpecCP of the mitigator and is optionally spelled-out as so (following Corver & Thiersch 2001). I claim that the mitigators in (1b), on the other hand, share a similar derivation to Horn-Amalgams such as (5a). According to Kluck (2011), the interrupting clause of Horn-Amalgams is composed of a null indefinite element that is parenthetically coordinated with an it-cleft whose cleft-clause is obligatorily elided ((5b), where e represents an indefinite element akin to someplace, and triangular brackets represents ellipsis). I propose that Horn-Amalgams and constructions in (1b) differ only with respect to the type of clause that is coordinated with e. In Horn-Amalgams such as (5a), an it-cleft is coordinated with e, whereas in constructions such as (1b), a canonical embedding clause is coordinated with e (6a). The surface order observed in constructions such as (1b) is derived by remnant-fronting + TPellipsis of the type observed in sluicing constructions (compare the ellipsis in (6b) to that in (7)). 128

148 Haus 6, Raum S16 I aim to show that, by appealing the analysis outlined above, one can account for the differing properties listed in (2) and (3) (and more). Furthermore, I aim to illustrate that the analysis I advance confers other conceptual benefits that its predecessor - Corver & Thiersch (2001) - does not. (1) a. John and Bill are I think coming to the party. b. John and [I think BILL] are coming to the party. (2) a. John will (so) they say be late. b. Between [(*so) they say TILBURG] and Amsterdam the road is closed. (3) a. John and Bill aren t coming to the party, I don t think. b. *[I don t think NOT JOHN] but Bill aren t coming to the party. (4) [John will [Op/so(i) [he claims t]] be late](i). (5) a. John is going to I think it is TILBURG on Sunday. b. John is going to [ e [I think it is Tilburg <that John is going to t Sunday>]] on Sunday. (6) a. John is going to [ e [I think John is going to Tilburg on Sunday]] on Sunday. b. John is going to [ e [I think [Tilburg [<John is going to t on Sunday>]]] on Sunday. (7) John kissed someone, but [I don t know [who [<John kissed t>]]. References Corver, N. & Thiersch, C Remarks on parentheticals. In Progress in grammar, van Oostendorp, M. & Anagnostopoulou E., ed. Utrecht: Roquade. Kluck, M Sentence Amalgamation. PhD thesis, University of Groningen. AG4 Syntactic analysis of que-deletion in French Frédéric Gachet / U. de Fribourg Donnerstag, 14.3., 12:30 13:00 A traditional issue about parenthetical verbs in English is the so-called thatdeletion. In French, que-deletion is less frequent (and quite different) but it exists nonetheless (Avanzi 2011), in spoken and informal written language: (1) je crois j ai mal lu la phrase rires [o, pfc, 75xmm1tg_59817] (2) Je crois on peut s acheter un decodeur TNTSAT et mettre sa carte vers la TV et en principe ca devrait marcher [http://www.tvnt.net/forum/que-peut-on-recevoir-sur-un-tv-avec-dvb] 129

149 Haus 6, Raum S16 My contribution would like to deal with the syntactic analysis of sentences like je crois il va faire beau. In a possible analysis, il va faire beau could be considered as a complement clause governed by je crois in spite of the absence of que. I suggest another analysis. It should be noticed that parenthetical verbs (je crois, je pense, il paraît) share some features with some sentence adverbs (peut-être, probablement, apparemment), especially their pragmatic function (mitigating) and their distributional positions. Thus, it is conceivable that, through a process of analogy, parenthetical verbs acquire the initial position without que that is typical of adverbs. Adverbs Il va faire beau, probablement. Probablement qu il va faire beau Probablement il va faire beau Parenthetical verbs Il va faire beau, je crois. Je crois qu il va faire beau Je crois il va faire beau One can presume that, in this initial position, parenthetical verbs and adverbs share also the same peripheral syntactic function. An important clue supporting this analysis is given by utterances like paraît-il que P or paraît-il P, typical of the French spoken language: (3) paraît-il que déjà au bout de deux trois fois ça va mieux [o, pfc, 42amg1 M] (4) paraît-il ils ont des infirmiers là-bas et des brancardiers... [Céline] AG4 According to French linguistic norms, a subject clitic pronoun can occur after the verb only in a parenthetical clause. Sentences like paraît-il que P and paraît-il P obviously break this rule. My explanation is that, through a process of analogy, the verbal form paraît-il, frequent in parenthetical clauses, is reanalyzed as an adverb; it can thus remain unchanged in initial position (followed or not by que) like the mitigating sentence adverbs. References Blanche-Benveniste Claire & Dominique Willems, 2007, Un nouveau regard sur les verbes faibles, Bulletin de la Société Linguistique de Paris 102/1, Avanzi, Mathieu, 2011, L interface prosodie / syntaxe en français, Thèse de doctorat, Universités de Neuchâtel et Paris Nanterre. Thompson, Sandra A. & Anthony Mulac, 1991, A Quantitative Perspective on the Grammaticization of Epistemic Parentheticals in English, Approaches to Grammaticalization (vol. 2: Focus on Types of Grammatical markers), Traugott, Elisabeth Closs & Bernd Heine (éds), Amsterdam / Philadelphie, Benjamins, Thompson, Sandra A. & Anthony Mulac, 1991b, The discourse conditions for the use of the complementizer that in conversatio- 130

150 Haus 6, Raum S16 nal English, Journal of Pragmatics 15, North-Holland, Gachet, Frédéric, 2012, Incises de discours rapporté et autres verbes parenthétiques : une étude grammaticale, Thèse de doctorat, Université de Fribourg. Inversion, deletion, and focus in as-parentheticals Nicholas LaCara Freitag, 15.3., 11:30 12:00 In this talk, I provide a syntactic analysis of English inverting as-parentheticals, exemplified in (1). This parenthetical construction, briefly noted in Potts 2002, has hitherto received little attention in the formal literature. The construction exhibits several odd syntactic properties, and I argue that a full understanding of it relies on both ellipsis and discourse factors. Most strikingly, inverting asparentheticals lack any overt verb phrase, and their logical subjects ( Mary in (1)) appear after any auxiliaries. (1) John has kissed a pig, *as has Mary*. First, I show that an elliptical operation is involved in the derivation of asparentheticals, contra Potts (2002). Potts claims that the missing VPs in asparentheticals are due to phonologically null VP pro-forms, but I provide evidence that they are actually deleted at PF. I argue that this deletion operation is essentially the same as comparative deletion (Bresnan 1973, Kennedy 2002). Following Kennedy s analysis of comparative deletion, I argue that the missing VPs as-parentheticals move into the left periphery of the as-clause, where they are deleted under identity with the VP to which the parenthetical adjoins. I then show that the construction falls into the class of VP inversion structures like (2) discussed by Birner (1994): Although some examples of inverting as-parentheticals look as if they exhibit normal subject-auxiliary inversion (SAI), it can be shown that the logical subject of the as-clause moves rightward (Feria 2010). In particular, I argue that the inversion is a way of postposing discourse-new information. AG4 (2) Resting in the barn will be a horse. If inverting as-parentheticals do not contain SAI, however, then it would appear that the construction violates the EPP nothing seems to pass through SpecTP. 131

151 Haus 6, Raum S16 Crucially, there is evidence that the preposed VPs in examples like (2) behave as though they are in a subject position. I propose that the same thing happens in inverting as-parentheticals. First, I take it that subjects in as-parentheticals begin their lives internal to the missing VP, and I propose that the postposed subjects in inverting as-parentheticals are moved out of the VP to adjoin to the clause in a process like pseudogapping. Since the subjects do not move to SpecTP, some other element must do so to satisfy EPP. In this case, the VP moves to SpecTP. This approach also captures the observation that inverting as-parentheticals do not exhibit expletive subjects: The VP moves into the position where the expletives would normally appear before it is elided. In summary, inverting as-parentheticals appear to share properties with other discourse-related inversion structures in English. In both cases the postposed subject is focused, discourse-new information. The analysis provided here links the syntax of these kinds of constructions. The difference is that inverting as-parentheticals are anaphorically dependent on other linguistic material. The unusual word order facts fall out if we assume that the underlying structure of the as-clause is the same as in other VP preposing cases and that the missing material in the as-parenthetical undergoes ellipsis. AG4 Sluicing and Salience Ivan Sag, James Collins, Daria Popova, and Thomas Wasow Freitag, 15.3., 12:00 12:30 Sluicing is a kind of ellipsis requiring semantic redundancy of the ellided clause (Merchant 2001). Additionally, Anderbois (2010) suggests that the sluicing antecedent clause must raise an issue, which he characterises in terms of the Inquisitive Semantics (IS) framework (Ciardelli et al 2012). In IS, issues are raised by inquisitive propositions, that is, propositions which update the common ground with two or more alternatives. Anderbois posits that appositives are non-inquisitive ( collapsing any existing alternatives) and therefore unable to serve as antecedents for sluicing. He therefore predicts that examples such as (1) are unacceptable. (1) Joe, who once killed a man in cold blood, doesn t even remember who. We conducted controlled studies of the acceptability of such sentences, finding that sluicing is not categorically precluded when the antecedent is an 132

152 Haus 6, Raum S16 appositive clause. Our study included stimuli such as (1) which were judged as being as acceptable as counterparts where the sluicing antecedent is a matrix clause. Examples like (2) were also given high acceptability ratings by our subjects. (2) My brother Joe, who knows he drank something awful last night, can t remember what. Based on these data, the assertion that appositives never raise issues is too strong. While preserving the insights behind the IS framework, we supplement a theory of appositives with insights from research in the Questions Under Discussion (QUD) framework (e.g. Ginzburg 2012, Ginzburg and Sag 2000), which allows us to model the variable discourse behavior of appositives. Also explicable in terms of QUD is the possibility of exophoric uses of sluicing discussed by Ginzburg and Sag and Culicover and Jackendoff (2005): (3) Where to? What floor? How many? How many more? What else? Guess who! These arise when the extralinguistic context is rich enough to introuduce a QUD into a discourse without an overt utterance. References Anderbois, S Sluicing as Anaphora to Issues. SALT 20. Ciardelli, I., J. Groenendijk & F. Roelofsen Inquisitive Semantics. NASSLLI 2012 Lecture Notes. Culicover P. & R.S Jackendoff Simpler Syntax. OUP. Ginzburg, J The Interactive Stance: Meaning for Conversation. OUP. Ginzburg, J. & I. Sag Interrogative Investigations. CSLI Publications. Merchant, J The Syntax of Silence: Sluicing, Islands, and the Theory of Ellipsis. OUP. AG4 Verbless relative adjuntcs as incidental fragments Gabriela Bîlbîie / U. Paris Diderot Freitag, 15.3., 12:30 13:00 Both French and Romanian have verbless constructions, exemplified in (1-4), whose syntactic form is reminiscent of relative clauses. Those constructions always have a fronted phrase containing either a WH-form (French lesquel(le)s and Romanian care) (1,3,4) or the form DONT in French (2). We label those constructions Verbless Relative Adjuncts (henceforth VRAs) because of their formal resemblance with relative clauses. 133

153 Haus 6, Raum S16 (1) Trois personnes, [parmi lesquelles Jean], sont venues. Three people.fem, [among which.fem John], AUX come Three people have come, among which John. (2) Trois personnes sont venues, [dont une hier]. Three people.fem AUX come, [dont one.fem yesterday] Three people have come, one of them yesterday. (3) Au venit trei persoane, [printre între care Ion]. AUX come three people.fem, [among which John] Three people have come, among which (also) John. (4) Au venit trei persoane, [dintre care una ieri]. AUX come three people.fem, [among which one.fem yesterday] Three people have come, one of them yesterday. AG4 VRAs are characterized by three properties: (I) they are incidental adjuncts; (II) they have a non-restrictive semantics while belonging to the asserted content of the utterance, and (III) they have a partitive semantics and express set-subset or set-element relations. The third property allows us to distinguish between two kinds of VRAs: exemplifying VRAs (which name elements belonging to the original set) (1,3) and partitioning VRAs (which partition the original set into subsets based on additional restrictions) (2,4). In French and Romanian, VRA constructions can be either compatible with both exemplifying and partitioning semantics (French DONT and Romanian PRINTRE/INTRE CARE) or with only one of the two (French PARMI LESQUELS with exemplifying VRAs, and Romanian DINTRE CARE only with partitioning VRAs). VRAs are usually referred to as elliptical relative clauses, lacking the verbal head. An elliptical analysis based on syntactic reconstruction is of interest if, and only if, (I) one can reconstruct a relative clause from any VRA in a regular fashion, and (II) the semantic properties of VRAs are the same as that of relative clauses. Crucially, we argue that none of these conditions are verified. Therefore, we analyse VRAs as fragments, by using semantic reconstruction and parallelism constraints, which allow us to account for all properties of VRAs. References Abeillé A., Godard D. & Sag I. A. (2003). French relative clause constructions. Manuscript. Arnold D. (2004). Non-Restrictive Relative Clauses in Construction Based HPSG. In Müller, S. (ed), Proceedings of the HPSG04 Conference. Stanford: CSLI Publ. Gheorghe M. (2004). Propozitia relativa. Ed. Paralela 45. Gheorghe M. (2005). Constructii cu propozitii relative. In Gramatica limbii române. 134

154 Haus 6, Raum S16 Editura Academiei Române. Ginzburg J. & Sag I. A. (2000). Interrogative Investigations: the form, meaning, and use of English interrogatives. Stanford: CSLI Publications. Grevisse M. (1993). Le Bon Usage. 13th edition by André Goosse, de Boeck Duculot. A structural paradox with respect to parentheticals inside coordinate structures Luis Vicente / U. Potsdam Freitag, 15.3., 13:00 14:00 This talk revolves around the class of sentences first described in Collins (1988), which I will call Collins Conjunctions. He noticed that the second member of a DP conjunction can be modified by a speaker-oriented evidential/evaluative adverb (1). Additionally, many languages also allow modification by verbal predicates with an equivalent meaning. (2) illustrates this possibility for Spanish, but similar sentences are also found in Polish, Hungarian, Czech, French, Portuguese,... Note that all these languages, unlike English, German, or Dutch, allow a complementizer mediating between the modifier and the second DP. (1) Alice and {possibly/allegedly/perhaps/... } Bob have visited Canada. (2) Andrés y parece ser que Beatriz han visitado Canadá. Andrés and seems be that Beatriz have visited Canada (3) Alice and it seems (*that) Bob have visited Canada. These structures have an array of properties that suggest different, mutually incompatible structures. On the one hand, it might seem that (1) and (2) are cases of Right Node Raising i.e., Alice and possibly Bob is part of a clausal coordination, with have visited Canada shared across conjuncts. This is supported by the fact that the class of modifiers allowed in Collins Conjunctions necessarily take a clausal complement, both syntactically and semantically. Thus, the second conjunct must be something like and possibly Bob has travelled to Canada. By the Law of Coordination of Likes, the first conjunct must also be clausal, so we derive a clause-level coordination. Additionally, note that examples like (2), with a complementizer, are only possible in languages that allow embedded fragments with a complementizer (4) (5), suggesting that the second conjunct might contain an elliptical clause. AG4 135

155 Haus 6, Raum S16 (4) Quién ha who has visitado Canadá? visited Canada Parece seems ser que Beatriz. be that Beatriz. (5) Who has visited Canada??* It seems that Bob. On the other hand, Alice and possibly Bob also shows the behavior of a regular DP coordination. First, it triggers plural agreement (1)/(2); (ii) it can be under the scope of other clausal quantifiers; (iii) it obeys Barwise and Cooper s (1981) restrictions on the coordination of generalized quantifiers (data not shown for (ii)/(iii)). In conclusion, the paradox is that Collins Conjunctions appear to be simultaneously clausal coordinations and DP coordinations. I will suggest that the DP coordination analysis is the optimal one. This takes care trivially of all the properties mentioned in the previous paragraph. To account for the clausal coordination diagonoses, I will suggest that possibly and parece ser que are parentheticals that take a complex silent structure, which itself takes the event of the sentence as its antecedent (cf. the analysis of VP ellipsis in Elbourne 2008). References Barwise, Jon, and Robin Cooper Generalized quantifiers and natural language. Linguistics & Philosophy 4(2): Collins, Christopher Conjunction adverbs. Ms., MIT. Elbourne, Paul Ellipsis sites as definite descriptions. Linguistic Inquiry 39(2): AG4 136

156 Arbeitsgruppe 5 The Syntax and Semantics of Pseudoincorporation Olga Borik Berit Gehrke Workshop description In recent years, a number of works have been dedicated to the phenomenon of pseudoincorporation in various languages, such as Niuean, Hindi, Hungarian, Spanish, Catalan (Massam 2001, Farkas & de Swart 2003, Espinal & McNally 2011, Dayal 2011). Pseudoincorporation involves the use of a bare noun in internal argument position, which shares some semantic properties with syntactically incorporated nouns (e.g. German radfahren ride a bike ), such as obligatory narrow scope, inability to introduce discourse referents, or number neutrality. On the other hand, pseudo-incorporated nouns have more syntactic freedom than syntactically incorporated ones (cf. Mithun 1984, Baker 1988, van Geenhoven 1998, Chung & Ladusaw 2003): strict adjacency to the verb is not (always) required, the noun can be marked for case, the verb can show agreement with the noun, certain types of modification may be allowed. The aim of this workshop is to bring together research on the semantics and syntax of pseudoincorporation. Particular topics to be addressed include but are not limited to the following: Which lexical restrictions apply to nouns and verbs that participate in pseudo-incorporation? Do these restrictions hold cross-linguistically? Can we make more precise the intuition that pseudoincorporation involves reference to some institutionalized activity? Can only nouns in internal argument position be the target of pseudo-incorporation (as is commonly assumed) or do we also find this phenomenon in other argument AG5 137

157 Haus 6, Raum S17 positions, for example with PP arguments (e.g. go beach; cf. Gehrke & Lekakou 2012)? Is number neutrality a defining feature of pseudo-incorporation or should it rather be explained on the basis of the aspectual properties of predicates involved (Dayal 2011)? Should pseudo-incorporated nouns be analyzed as predicate modifiers or as uninstantiated arguments? The nouns that take part in pseudoincorporation share defining properties with weak definites (cf. Carlson et al. 2006), which have been analyzed as kind terms by Aguilar- Guevara & Zwarts (2011); are pseudoincorporated nouns and weak definites just two ways to express the same semantic relation, or are there fundamental differences between the two? AG5 Pseudo incorporation in Romance at the syntax-semantics interface M. Teresa Espinal / U. Autònoma de Barcelona Mittwoch, 13.3., 14:30 15:00 The term semantic pseudo incorporation (PI) has been proposed in the recent literature to account for the fact that certain types of nominal expressions (not only nouns) form a semantic but not a syntactic unit with the V they occur with, and function as predicate modifiers (Dayal 2003, 2011). In this paper I will focus on two topics: (i) what sort of syntactic restrictions apply to nominal expressions that participate in pseudo incorporation, and (ii) what is the correspondence between fake arguments and event modifiers. I will basically analyze data from Spanish (Dobrovie-Sorin et al. 2006). The hypothesis that will be argued for is that morphosyntactic defectiveness of nouns and clitics (but not semantic proto-typicality of predicates) is a necessary condition in Romance in order to identify formally those nominal expressions that are to be interpreted not as arguments but as predicate modifiers. Semantically, these nominal expressions show the properties of being scopally inert and discourse opaque. The postulated defectiveness is based on the fact that bare nominals (llevar reloj (de cuarzo) to wear a (quartz) watch ) are unmarked for number, definiteness and specificity; weak definites (mirarse al espejo to look (at oneself) in the mirror ) are DPs unmarked for definiteness; and the Mexican Spanish clitic affix le (correrle to perform running ) is not only unmarked for person, number, gender and case, but is the head of a defective High Applicative projection (Cuervo 2003) that takes only a complement, identified with the whole VP. Being morphosyntactically defective implies that all these expressions have neither a referential interpretation nor an argument status from a 138

158 Haus 6, Raum S17 semantic point of view, but still impose some semantic restrictions on the set of predicates they combine with: bare nominals denote properties of kinds (not of individual objects) that modify event arguments of a restricted class of HAVE-predicates (Espinal 2010, Espinal & McNally 2011); and clitic le encodes an intensive property that classifies eventualities as actions (Navarro & Espinal 2012). In this talk I will further extent this approach to weak definites which will be argued to also denote properties of kinds (not kind entities, contra Aguilar & Zwarts 2011) that modify event arguments of a restricted class of predicates. I will base this argumentation on crosslinguistic variation on the presence of what I will take to be an expletive Determiner, on similarities between weak definites and bare nominals based on adjectival modification, and on relevant semantic differences with so-called definite generics/kinds (Borik & Espinal 2012). References Aguilar Guevara, A. & J. Zwarts Weak definites and reference to kinds. In Proceedings of SALT 20, Dayal, V Hindi pseudoincorporation. Natural Language and Linguistic Theory 29.1: Espinal, M.T. & L. McNally Bare nominals and incorporating verbs in Spanish and Catalan. Journal of Linguistics 47, Navarro, Õ. & M.T. Espinal Le-predicates and event modification in Mexican Spanish. Lingua 122, Why have-predicates can take bare nominals Bert Le Bruyn / UiL-OTS Mittwoch, 13.3., 15:00 15:30 For Norwegian (Borthen 2003), Spanish/Catalan (Espinal & McNally 2011), Brazilian Portuguese (Cyrino & Espinal 2011) and Greek (Lazaridou-Chatzigoga 2011), it has been argued that verbs having a have component are special in the sense that they can take bare singular objects. Most analyses provide an answer to the question what the semantics/syntax of have verb + bare noun should be like but do not address the more fundamental question what it is that makes have verbs special. The goal of this talk is to (a) raise the latter question, (b) provide an answer by bringing together the literature on have verbs and the literature on existential have (Landman & Partee 1987, Partee 1999, Landman 2004, Saebo 2009), (c) look beyond the verbal domain into the prepositional domain (Le Bruyn, de Swart & Zwarts 2010, Oltra-Massuet, Pérez-Jiménez 2011, Castroviejo, Oltra-Massuet & Pérez-Jiménez 2012) and the coordination do- AG5 139

159 Haus 6, Raum S17 main (Le Bruyn & de Swart 2012). References Borthen, K. (2003). Norwegian bare singulars (Doctoral dissertation, Norwegian University of Science and Technology). Espinal, M. T., & McNally, L. (2011). Bare nominals and incorporating verbs in Spanish and Catalan. Journal of Linguistics, 47(01), Castroviejo, Elena, Oltra-Massuet, Isabel, & Pérez- Jiménez, Isabel (2012). Bare sin-pps: Pseudoincorporation and Gradability. Talk at Lycc Seminar, Madrid. Cyrino, Sonia, and M. Teresa Espinal (2011). Object BNs in Brazilian Portuguese. More on the NP/DP analysis., talk at CSSP, Paris. Landman, Fred (2004). Indefinites and the Type of Sets. Blackwell Pub. Landman, Fred, & Partee, Barbara H. (1987). Weak NPs in HAVE sentences. In Draft abstract. University of Massachusetts, Amherst. Lazaridou-Chatzigoga, Dimitra (2011). The distribution and interpretation of bare singular count nouns in Greek, talk at the SUB Weak Referentiality Workshop, Utrecht. Le Bruyn, Bert & Henriëtte de Swart (2012). Bare coordination: the semantic shift, ms. Utrecht University. Le Bruyn, Bert, de Swart, Henriëtte & Zwarts, Joost (2009). Bare PPs across languages. talk at Workshop on Bare nouns, Paris. Oltra-Massuet, Isabel & Pérez-Jiménez, Isabel (2011). La interacción contabilidad-gradabilidad en los SSPP escuetos. Cuadernos de la ALFAL, 3, Partee, Barbara H. (1999). Weak NPs in HAVE Sentences. Sæbø, Kjell Johan (2009). Possession and pertinence: the meaning of have. Natural language semantics, 17(4), Weak nouns, weak verbs and stereotypicality Ana Aguilar-Guevara / Utrecht U. Mittwoch, 13.3., 15:30 16:00 AG5 Weak definites (e.g. Marie went to the hospital) do not refer to uniquely identifiable individuals [Carlson and Sussman, 2005]. Additionally, they display other peculiarities. One of them is that the range of nouns occurring in weak definites (weak nouns) and the range of verbs governing weak definites (weak predicates) are both restricted. Aguilar-Guevara and Zwarts [2010] (A&Z) analyze weak definites as kind-referring expressions which combine with individual-level predicates by means a lexical rule which lifts object-level predicates to kind-level predicates. In the lifted predicates the U relation is incorporated, which represents stereotypical usages associated with kinds. According to A&Z, a verb-definite combination does not trigger any weak definite reading because there is an empty intersection between the set of events corresponding to the verb and the set of events corresponding to U. 140

160 Haus 6, Raum S17 In this talk, I examine in more detail the lexical meaning of weak nouns and verbs. My aim is to identify a common feature to all the members of each category, which enables us to better understand why both categories are restricted and thus motivate empirically the way A&Z account for the restrictions. The talk is organized in four parts. Part 1 examines the meaning of weak nouns. The main generalization is that the common property to all weak nouns is that they designate objects associated with a function, a telic role [Pustejovsky, 1995]. This generalization covers all the instances of weak nouns including apparent counterexamples such as nouns designating natural objects and professions. However, this generalization is weak as not every noun designating a functional object can occur in a weak definite. Part 2 discusses the meaning of weak verbs. The main conclusion is that the property these verbs have in common is that they support telic roles. This generalization, although accurate, also overgenerates as not every verb supporting a telic role can be a weak verb. Part 3 builds on the previous generalizations by discussing the effects of stereotypicality on the emergence of weak readings. Two more generalizations are drawn. The first one is that weak nouns designate functional objects which are associated with stereotypical usages. The other generalization is that weak verbs designate activities that support stereotypical usages. Both generalizations cover all and only weak nouns and verbs. Furthermore, they motivate A&Z s postulation of the U relation. Part 4 discusses the question whether weak nouns and verbs constitute classes of words lexically well defined. The conclusion about weak verbs is that, as their enriched kind-level denotation is the result of the application of a lexical rule, it is not necessary to assume that these verbs constitute a lexical class. In contrast, the conclusion about weak nouns is that they do constitute a class whose members lexical meaning specifies an association with stereotypical usages. AG5 References Aguilar-Guevara, A. & Zwarts, J. (2010). Weak Definites and Reference to Kinds. Proceedings of SALT, volume 20, pages , Ithaca, New York. CLC Publications. Carlson, G. & Sussman, R. (2005). Seemingly indefinite definites. Linguistic evidence: Empirical, theoretical, and computational perspectives, pages Pustejovsky, J. (1995). The generative lexicon. MIT press, Cambridge, MA. 141

161 Haus 6, Raum S17 Weak Definites and Kinds of Events Florian Schwarz / U. of Pennsylvania Mittwoch, 13.3., 16:30 17:00 AG5 I explores two accounts of Weak Definites (WDs) (Carlson et al. 2006) that assume them to involve a regular definite article, namely 1) the option of seeing WDs in light of covarying definites more generally, which I argue against, and 2) a formal proposal that analyzes WDs as regular definites that occur in verb phrases involving reference to kinds of events. The latter accounts for the core properties of WDs and relates them directly to incorporation. WDs quite generally allow for covarying interpretations. It is thus tempting to relate them to covarying interpretations of regular definites, e.g., in bridging cases (Schwarz 2009), along the lines suggested by Ašic and Corblin (2012) and Bosch and Cieschinger (2010). However, the two cases differ in ways that I argue speak against such an analysis. First, regular covarying definites exhibit a dependence on contextual support that is not present for WDs. Secondly, regular covarying definites display what we might call relativized uniqueness. I propose an alternative analysis that sees WDs as definites appearing in verb phrases denoting kinds of events. This relates them directly to semantic incorporation, as well as to the notion that incorporation involves typical activities (e.g., Carlson 2006, Axelrod 1990). My proposal adapts Dayal s (2011) analysis of incorporation by proposing verb denotations that take properties as their argument. However, I propose that the resulting denotation is a kind of event, which then combines with an external subject via a rule of Derived Argument Saturation. Crucially, the formal analysis evaluates the definite relative to the event variable used to characterize the kind of event under consideration. For read the newspaper, for example, this kind consists of the plurality including every event in which the unique newspaper that is part of that event is being read. Uniqueness is then (almost) trivially satisfied at the level at which the definite is interpreted. But since the top level events in the predicate are part of pluralities, the account is also compatible with multiple objects meeting the description being involved (as in taking the train, allowing multiple trains; Carlson et al. 2006). Embedding this analysis in a situation semantics accounts for covariation phenomena with WDs. Lack of support for anaphora also follows, because and ι occur deeply embedded in the verbal denotation. To the extent that kind reference requires the existence of an established kind, the account may also explain semantic enrichment with WDs. Finally, 142

162 Haus 6, Raum S17 the distributional restrictions on WDs also relate to restrictions on established kinds well-known from kind reference in the nominal domain. This analysis captures the key properties of WDs and transparently relates them to incorporation, while assuming a unified meaning for definites. Many details remain to be explored, not the least with respect to the relation between issues concerning number marking (Dayal 2011) and hidden reflexes of uniqueness with WDs. Hopefully, the present proposal provides a fruitful basis for exploring these issues in greater depth. Direct Object marking in Mari: unmarked DOs or pseudoincorporation Natalia Serdobolskaya / Russian State U. for the Humanities Mittwoch, 13.3., 17:00 17:30 The paper presents a case-study of Differential Direct Object (DO) marking (accusative vs. unmarked noun) in Eastern Mari (Uralic, Finno-Ugric). I propose to consider this phenomenon in terms of pseudoincorporation. The data of the research comes from fieldwork. The work is supported by grants and RFH , Omission of the DO marker in Mari is restricted by the following rules. 1. It is only possible in non-finite clauses. 2. It has to be verb-adjacent. 3. It cannot take presupposition triggers as modifiers. 4. Presupposition triggering nouns only rarely head unmarked DOs. 5. It is impossible if the DO is headed or modified by indefinite expressions. AG5 The rules 2, 3 and 5 seem to be easily explained if we assume that Mari Direct Object marking presents an example of incorporation. However, the following facts contradict this hypothesis. A. Unmarked DO can be modified by various types of adjectives/pronouns (excluding rule 3). Cf. van Geenhoven 1998, West-Greenlandic; Muravyova 1994, Turkish. B. Unmarked DOs can be conjoined. C. Unmarked DOs can host numerals, quantifiers and plural markers. 143

163 Haus 6, Raum S17 D. Unmarked DOs can be headed by proper nouns and nouns with possessive markers. Considered constructions yield to the features of pseudoincorporation, excluding the number neutrality condition. This notwithstanding, I propose to analyze the Mari unmarked DOs in terms of pseudoincorporation, which solution is grounded on their semantic properties. Reference grammars state that accusative is obligatory on definite DOs, indefinites can remain unmarked (Galkin 1964, Tuzharov 1984). (Toldova, Serdobolskaya 2002) shows that definiteness is not the main factor. The information structure of the sentence is more important: if the whole VP belongs to the same information structure unit (topic or focus), it can be unmarked. Else the accusative is obligatory. This is not the sufficient condition of the omission of the accusative. Most often, unmarked DOs are observed if the VP describes institutionalized activity (wash the hands, sweep the floor etc.). In those cases, even the nouns marked with the possessive can appear without the accusative. Hence, both from the point of view of information structure and lexical semantics, the verb and the unmarked DO have to form one and the same unit. Basing on these arguments, I propose to analyze unmarked DOs in Mari in terms of pseudoincorporation. This solution is possible if it pseudoincorporation of plurals, quantifier groups and conjoined NPs is allowed. AG5 References Galkin I.S. Istoricheskaja grammatika marijskogo jazyka. Morfologija. V. 1. Joshkar-Ola Muravyova I.A. Non-Marked Noun Form in Turkic and Mongolian Languages // Bamberger Zentralasienstudien. Konferenzakten ESCAS IV. Berlin: Klaus Schwarz Verlag, 1994, Toldova S., Serdobolskaya N. Nekotoryje osobennosti oformlenija prjamogo dopolnenija v marijskom jazyke // Lingvisticheskij bespredel. Moscow: Nauka, Tuzharov G.M. Problema nemarkirovannogo imeni v marijskom jazyke // Sovetskoje finno-ugrovedenie, 20 (4), 1984, van Geenhoven V. Semantic Incorporation and Indefinite Descriptions. CSLI Publications,

164 Haus 6, Raum S17 Types of Complementation: Standard Complementation, Pseudo-Incorporation, Compounding Veneeta Dayal/ Rutgers U. Mittwoch, 13.3., 17:30 18:30 This talk takes as its starting point, the following two observations: Observation 1 (Dayal 2011): Noun phrases which are singular or non-plural are uniformly unacceptable as standard complements of collective predicates like collect and compare. They are uniformly acceptable in compounding. They yield different results in pseudo-incorporation. They are acceptable with collect but not with compare. Observation 2 (Mithun 1984, 86): The noun-verb relation in compounding must denote an institutionalized activity. This holds to a significant degree also of pseudo-incorporation, but obviously not of standard complementation. It investigates the possibility that the variations at issue reside in the semantic type of the complement: standard complements are DPs/NPs of argumental type ( e or e, t, t ), pseudo-incorporated complements are NPs of property type ( e, t ), nouns inside compounds are Ns denoting kinds ( e-k ). Using the framework of distributed morphology (Halle and Marantz 1993 and Harley 2012), it looks for a systematic mapping from morpho-syntax to semantics. References Dayal, V Hindi Pseudo-Incorporation. NLLT 29.1, Halle, M. and A. Marantz Distributed Morphology and the pieces of inflection. In: K. Hale and S. J. Keyser (eds.), The View from Building 20. Cambridge MA: MIT Press, Harley, H Semantics in Distributed Morphology. In: Maeinborn, von Heusinger and Portner (eds), Semantics: An International Handbook of Natural Language Meaning. Mithun, Marianne The evolution of noun incorporation. Language 60: Mithun, Marianne On the nature of noun incorporation. Language 62: AG5 Constructions with and without an article Henriëtte de Swart / UiL OTS, Utrecht U. Donnerstag, 14.3., 09:00 10:00 Even in languages with a well-developed system of articles, such as Germanic and Romance languages, we find constructions in which the noun can appear 145

165 Haus 6, Raum S17 AG5 without an article. This paper provides an overview of such bare constructions, and a roadmap for cross-linguistic variation in this domain. We find bare predication with capacity nouns in many languages (Dutch Anna is advokaat, French Anna est avocat), but not English, where the indefinite article has to be used (Anna is *(a) lawyer). Objects of have-predicates can be bare in Romance languages (Spanish Anna tiene coche) (cf. Espinal & McNally 2010), but typically not in Germanic languages ( German Anna hat *(ein) Auto). The nominal complement of a general spatial preposition is often bare in English (at school), sometimes in Dutch (op school), but rarely in German (in *(der) Schule), where the definite article occurs in this environment. Cross-linguistically then, bare nouns are sometimes in complementary distribution with the indefinite article (in predication, incorporation), and sometimes with the definite article (in prepositional complements). However, there is a third class of bare constructions which is neither definite nor indefinite, but plural or quantificational in nature. Here we find bare coordination (mother and child) (cf. Le Bruyn & de Swart 2013), and bare PPs like Dutch per jaar (= each year) (Le Bruyn, de Swart & Zwarts 2012). The three classes are subject to different constraints on cross-linguistic variation, due to the interaction of lexicon, syntax and semantics. The plural and quantificational bare constructions require a special, often non-compositional (or not immediately transparent) semantics at the level of the construction as a whole. A language does or does not realize this special semantics in a particular configuration. Indefinite bare constructions rely on a special combinatoric semantics involving the property or kind denotation of the noun. Given that indefinites can be type-shifted to the property denotation of the common noun, they are the closest counterpart to be used when the languagespecific grammar lacks the combinatoric rule. The definite bare constructions are underlyingly weak definites (cf. Aguilar & Zwarts 2010), with a dropped article for a restricted set of nouns or noun classes. Under the assumption that drop of the definite article is governed by lexical rules, and these are to a large degree language-specific, we expect widespread cross-linguistic variation in the productivity of this process. References Aguilar Guevara, Ana and Joost Zwarts (2010). Weak definites and reference to kinds, Proceedings of SALT 20, Espinal, M. Teresa and Louise McNally (2010). Bare singular nominals and incorporating verbs in Spanish and Catalan, Journal of Linguistics 47, Le Bruyn, Bert, Henriëtte de Swart and Joost Zwarts (2012). Quantificational prepositions, in: Thomas Graf, Denis Paperno, Anna Szabolcsi, and Jos Tellings (eds.). Theories of Everything: In Honor of Ed Keen- 146

166 Haus 6, Raum S17 an. UCLA Working Papers in Linguistics 17 Le Bruyn, Bert and Henriëtte de Swart (2013). Bare coordination: the semantic shift, Natural Language and Linguistic theory (to appear). Modification of bare nominals across languages and constructions Stavroula Alexandropoulou, Maartje Schulpen, and Henriëtte de Swart / UiL-OTS, Utrecht U. Donnerstag, 14.3., 10:00 10:30 The issue In this paper we examine the influence of adjectival modification on bare count nominals (BNs) in object position of have-verbs and what we term have-prepositions (with, without), by looking at corpus data from Dutch and Greek. We argue that there are two ways modification of BNs can be licensed in these environments: (i) if the adjective modifies an inherent property of the N or denotes a subtype of it; (ii) if the modifier is obligatory for reasons of informativity. Have-verbs and have-prepositions Espinal & McNally (2011) analyze BNs in object position of have-verbs in Spanish and Catalan as denoting properties. Espinal (2010) is more specific and argues that BNs denote properties of kinds. This predicts that BNs can only be modified by modifiers denoting a subtype of the entity the N+modifier is predicated from. If this is a general phenomenon, we expect similar modification patterns in other languages and in other constructions in which a have-relation is present, such as constructions with the have-prepositions with and without (Borthen, 2003; de Swart, 2012). Corpus study We carried out corpus research on four Greek have-verbs (eho to have, forao to wear, kratao to hold and hrisimopio to use ), on the Greek have-preposition me with, and on the Dutch have-preposition met with. In all three constructions we found cases of subtype modification ( 42% of the total for Greek have-verbs, for Greek me 54%, and for Dutch met 29%). Crucially, for both Greek and Dutch the empirical picture turned out to be more complicated than expected based on Espinal s analysis, since we also found a substantial amount of cases that did not involve subtype modification (examples from Dutch): oiorkeziko kustumi. AG5 (1) [...] een Engelsman met (*onverstaanbare) naam. [...] an Englishman with an (*unintelligible) name (lit. with unintelligible name ) 147

167 Haus 6, Raum S17 (2) [...] z n bureaulamp met groene kap. [...] his desk lamp with a green shade (lit. with green shade ) Analysis For all three constructions, in part of the cases not involving subtype modification, the modified noun denoted an analytic property, describing a mereological relation. In these cases modification was obligatory due to an informativity requirement (1). This can be captured by a triviality filter along the lines Winter (2005). Again in all three constructions, in the non-analytic cases the adjective most often targeted the color, material or shape of the BN (2). We propose to extend the class of non-obligatory licensed modification from just subtype modification to a somewhat broader category including modification of such inherent features of the BN. Conclusion Cross-linguistic data from Greek and Dutch support the parallel between have-verbs and have-prepositions, showing that BNs in these constructions display similar constraints on modification. Besides the subtype modification constraint proposed by Espinal (2010), we find that modification of a broader set of characteristic features may be involved. For analytic properties, modification is even found to be obligatory for reasons of informativity. The investigation of modification thus provides new insights into the semantics of bare nominals. AG5 References Espinal, M.T. (2010). Bare nominals in Catalan and Spanish. Their structure and meaning. Lingua 120: Espinal, M.T. & McNally, L. (2011). Bare nominals and incorporating verbs in Spanish and Catalan. Journal of Linguistics 47: Borthen, K. (2003). Norwegian bare singulars. PhD thesis, Norwegian University of Science and Technology. de Swart (2012). Constructions with and without articles. Paper presented at the workshop Languages with and without articles, Paris 8. Winter, Y. (2005). Cross-categorical restrictions on measure phrase modification. Linguistics and Philosophy 28(2): Cognate intensifiers in Russian Lidia Bogatyreva / U. Autònoma de Barcelona Donnerstag, 14.3., 10:30 11:00 The discussion on syntactic and semantic status of cognate objects (objects that share the lexical root with non-transitive verbs) has been present in the literature for the last two decades. Closely related to this topic is the question of what kind of elements can possibly be cognate to the verb. I will approach 148

168 Haus 6, Raum S17 an answer to this question looking at an interesting phenomenon in Russian: that of cognate adverbials. Russian unergative activity verbs, along with classical cognate objects, can also take cognate intensifiers, such as those in (1) and (2). (1) Malčik bežit beg-om navstreču mame. boy runs run.instr towards mother The boy runs hastily towards his mother. (2) On pjet za-poj-em neskol ko mesjacev. he drinks za-drink.instr several months He has been drinking heavily for several months. The cognate elements begom in (1) and zapojem in (2) bear instrumental case, but the peculiar thing about them is that they have adverbial status, as far as they are fossilized instrumental forms and lack all the other forms of the nominal case paradigm. Furthermore, unlike cognate objects that can appear with different classes of predicates, cognate adverbials are only possible with some unergative verbs. I propose the following syntactic analysis for such adverbials. First, a nominal root is incorporated into the light verb of the do-type, in such a way that an activity verb is formed. Second, an intense activity is obtained by repeating the already incorporated manner-denoting root. I assume that instrumental case is assigned by a P, as it happens in other non-cognate event modifiers in Russian. The whole P-structure is adjoined to the verbal projection. From the semantic point of view cognate adverbials do not contribute any independent meaning, except from that already expressed by the verb. They function as event modifiers, by intensifying the meaning of the verb. This intensifying function is quite similar to that attributed to the defective clitic le in Mexican Spanish (Navarro & Espinal 2012). I will discuss the similarities and differences of this phenomenon with what I name to be cognate intensifiers in Russian. Cognate intensifiers share some syntactic and semantic properties with pseudo-incorporated nouns: they do not introduce a discourse referent, do not allow modification but nevertheless they are case-marked for INSTR case. The polemic point is that Russian cognate intensifiers are not arguments of the verb but rather complements of a preposition. AG5 References Bogatyreva, Lidia Russian Instrumental Nominals as a Counterpart of Bare Nominals in Romance. M.A. Thesis, Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona. Espinal, M. Teresa & Jaume Mateu Bare Nominals and Argument Structure 149

169 Haus 6, Raum S17 in Catalan and Spanish. The Linguistic Review 28: Hale, Ken & Samuel Jay Keyser Prolegomenon to a theory of argument structure. Cambridge Mass.: The MIT Press. Navarro, Ía & M. Teresa Espinal Le-predicates and event modification in Mexican Spanish. Lingua 122, Nakajima, Heizo Adverbial Cognate Objects. Linguistic Inquiry 37(4): Amounts of Objects and Pluralities Carmen Dobrovie-Sorin / CNRS-LLF, Université Paris 7 Marcelo Ferreira / USP, Sao Paolo Donnerstag, 14.3., 11:30 12:00 1. Singular Descriptions and Cumulative Reference. The crucial data (due to Ferreira 2010) that we discuss is related to how count bare NPs (CBNs) in Brazilian Portuguese (Schmitt & Munn 1999) behave with respect to pluralityseeking predicates: AG5 (1) ambiguous: refl & reciprocal Eu vi aluno se cumprimentando. I saw student SE greeting I saw students greeting themselves/each other. (2) a. only refl Eu vi aluno que estava se cumprimentando. I saw student that was SE greeting I saw students who were greeting themselves. b. refl & reciprocal Eu vi alunos que estavam se cumprimentando. I saw students that were SE greeting I saw students who were greeting themselves/each other. These data suggest that the singular number marking on the verb of the relative clause induces a singular interpretation of the CBNs in (2a). Nevertheless, the CBN in (2a) is naturally resumed by a plural pronoun. Not only (1) and (2b), but also (2a) can be followed by a sentence such as They looked crazy. To account for this somewhat paradoxical situation, we propose a solution that distinguishes between properties of entities (NP-level) and the cardinality/measuring of entities (higher up). 150

170 Haus 6, Raum S17 (3) Syntactic Analysis of (2a) [ DP [ D Ø] [ QntP [ Qnt Ø] [ NP [ CBN student] [ relative clause... was SE-greeting... ]]]] NP is a predicate of atomic entities (due to the sg marking on the predicate of the relative clause); QntP headed by a null head is a cumulative predicate (join semilattice) Det shifts QntP into an existential generalized quantifier over amounts (D- Sorin&Beyssade (2012)) 2. Amounts and Pluralities. We distinguish between the denotations of CBNs and bare plurals (BPs): BPs denote atomic join semi-lattices, obtained by applying Link s star operator to a set of atoms, whereas CBNs resemble bare mass NPs in denoting non-atomic join semi-lattices that are directly inherited from the Lexicon (before any morphosyntactic operation applies, NPs denote non atomic join semi-lattices). The difference between CBNs and bare mass NPs is exclusively due to the encyclopedia, i.e., is related to the insertion of a particular lexicat item: on the bottom line of non-atomic join semi-lattices we find sums of entities for CBNs but sums of parts of objects for mass NPs. In other words, mass NPs provide descriptions of (sums of) parts of objects, whereas count NPs provide descriptions of (sums of) objects. References Dobrovie-Sorin, Carmen & Claire Beyssade Redefining Indefinites, Springer. Ferreira, Marcelo The Morpho-Semantics of Number in Brazilian Portuguese Bare Singulars. Journal of Portuguese Linguistics. Link, G.(1983), The logical analysis of plurals and mass terms: a lattice-theoretic approach. Schmitt, Cristina and Munn, Alan Against the Nominal Mapping Parameter: Bare nouns in Brazilian Portuguese. Proceedings of NELS 29. Quasi-incorporation and number marking in Persian Fereshteh Modarresi / ZAS Berlin Donnerstag, 14.3., 12:00-12:30 AG5 Bare Nouns (BN) objects in Persian show properties of Noun Incorporation (Quasi-NI), such as constituting one phonological phrase with the predicate, narrow scope, focalizing the event rather than the object, number neutrality, inability to be modified by adjectives, all of which will be discussed. 151

171 Haus 6, Raum S17 For instance, with BN in (1a), adjective receives an adverbial interpretation modifying [BN+V]. Nouns marked with -i can be modified by adjectives (1b). (1) a. Sara khoob ketab kharid Sara good/well book buy.past.3sg Sara successfully bought books. b. Sara khoob ketab-i kharid Sara good book-ind buy.past.3sg Sara bought a good book. Furthermore BNs cannot be referred back (2a), whereas nouns marked by -i, yek- and -ra can be referred back (2b): (2) a. Ali diruz Ketab kharid. *un kheily jaleb ast. Ali yesterday book bought.3sg that very interesting is. Ali bought book(s) yesterday, that is very interesting b. Ali diruz yek/ketab/-i, ra kharid. un kheily Ali yesterday book bought.3sg that very jaleb ast. interesting is. Ali bought a/the book yesterday, that is very interesting AG5 I will then analyze effects of number marking on BN objects. BN objects marked with morphological numbers, whether it is a non-specific indefinite marker yek-: one / a or suffix -i: a a plural marker -ha, are no longer incorporated. Number marking causes a salient discourse referent to be introduced. Plural marking -ha normally requires morphological marking -ra, which makes it discourse anaphoric. However, there are certain constructions in which -ha-marking appears without -ra-marking (Pluralized BN or Bare Plurals) creating a specific interpretation: (3) Man ketab-ha khandam I book-s read.past.3sg I read books (I read many different books in many different occasions) Number marking -ha with incorporated BN is reference to distributed objects so that the object ketab-ha books refers to a sum of books that is distributed. Since the noun is incorporated, this notion of distribution carries over to the event expression (Krifka 1992). In fact, it is not BN that is pluralized 152

172 Haus 6, Raum S17 even if -ha appears after BN; rather it is the whole BN+V event description that is pluralized, referring to many events of book-reading in different time, space and occasions. Thus if the denotation of book is _x[book(x)], similar to a mass noun, then ketab+ha book+ha applies to x that contains different parts y 1,...,y n that are distinct and distant in terms of time and space. When combined as an object with a verb like read, the resulting event predicate will refer to an event e that also consists of subevents e 1,...,e n that are distinct and distant in time and space, due to the mapping properties between events and their participants induced by the patient role of the object. References Krifka, Manfred Thematic relations as links between nominal reference and temporal constitution. Pages of: Sag, Ivan A., and Szabolcsi, Anna (eds), Lexical Matters. Stanford, CA: CSLI Publications. McNally, Louise (1995). Using Property-Type NPs to Build Complex Event Descriptions. Modarresi, F. and Simonenko, A. (2007). Quasi noun incorporation in Persian. In Proceedings of LingO. The Semantics of (Pseudo) Incorporation and Case Michael Barrie / Sogang U. Audrey Li / U. of Southern California Donnerstag, 14.3., 12:30 13:00 Nutshell: A number of researchers, notably Dayal (2011), have noted that the semantics of pseudo noun incorporation (PNI) is remarkably similar to that of noun incorporation (NI). The difference between PNI and NI lies in the morphosyntax such that NI involves a tighter morphological relation. The question arises as to what gives rise to the semantics of both PNI and NI if it is not in the morphosyntactic structure. We propose that the lack of differentiated Case gives rise to the semantic properties of (P)NI. We bolster this claim with evidence from Chinese which has Case, but crucially does not have morphologically differentiated Case. We show that full DPs (with undifferentiated Case) have the same semantic properties as found in PNI and NI. Chinese Non-canonical Objects: Lin (2001) notes the existence of instruments, locations and temporals in the typical postverbal object position in Mandarin Chinese. Li (2010) shows that these replace and behave like objects Ű non-canonical objects (NCO). Strikingly, the set of elements that can appear as non-canonical objects is glaringly similar to the set of elements that can undergo NI: instruments, paths, locatives and temporals (Barrie, 2012; AG5 153

173 Haus 6, Raum S17 Mithun, 2004). Comitatives, sources, goals and benefactives cannot appear as non-canonical objects in Mandarin Chinese (only locative shown). (1) a. ta zai canting chi (fan) he at restaurant eat (meal) He eats at the restaurant. b. ta chi canting he eat restaurant He eats at the restaurant. Furthermore, like NI and PNI, non-canonical object constructions typically describe an institutionalized or cultural activity. Thus, chi kuaizi (eat chopstick = eat with chopsticks) is possible in Chinese, but *chi chazi (eat fork) is not. In (1b), there is an implication that the subject is typically eats in restaurants or eats restaurant food. Proposal: We propose instead that Chinese does indeed have Case (Li, 1990), but that it has undifferentiated Case. Unlike other languages, there is no morphological reflex of accusative vs. nominative Case in Chinese. More specifically, we propose that differentiated Case is correlated with particular semantic properties (Kiparsky, 1998; Kratzer, 2004; Mithun, 1991). As such undifferentiated Case is not associated with any particular semantic property. It functions purely to license the presence of overt DPs. Summary: We have proposed that semantic incorporation is a property not only of NI and PNI, but also of non-canonical objects in Chinese. We argued that the defining properties of semantic incorporation include (i) institutionalized or cultural activities, and (ii) availability to themes, paths, instruments, locatives and temporals. AG5 Pseudo-incorporation in Russian? Aspectual competition and bare singular interpretations Olav Müller-Reichau / U. Leipzig Freitag, 15.3., 11:30 12:00 Although reference to single completed events in Russian is usually the realm of perfective aspect (pf), sometimes the imperfective (ipf) is used. This is known as aspectual competition in the literature. It was observed that completed ipf dislike specific/definite syntactic objects. In the talk I ask: Could this be due to (pseudo-)incorporation? To check, I apply the canonical test 154

174 Haus 6, Raum S17 battery to bare singular objects (whose syntactic autonomy is beyond doubt, as they are case-marked and don t require strict verb adjacency). The results: Bare singulars display number neutrality in combination with ipf, but not in combination with pf. There are lexical gaps, number neutrality is not attestable for any lexical item. Judgements are not as clearcut for plural objects, unless the verb is pf where the nominal must denote a plurality. Bare singulars also stand out with respect to scopal behavior. While bare plural objects obligatorily get a narrow scope interpretation under negation, bare singulars get wide scope readings - unless aspect is ipf. Then bare singulars can also have a narrow scope reading. If the verb is ipf, bare singulars show a reduced discourse transparency. While speakers disagree when asked to judge whether the bare singular object of an ipf is identifiable with a previously introduced discourse referent, the pf version is accepted by every informant. Judgements concerning pronominal anaphora show even more clear results: bare singulars in the context of ipf provide no support for pronominal anaphora. In sum, bare singulars as thematic arguments of completed ipf meet the criteria for pseudo-incorporation. Concluding that the object always semantically incorporates would be premature, however, as there are clear cases of completed ipf with specific/definite object nominals. To account for these facts, I propose to analyze completed ipfs as existentials that integrate three components: a pivot (expressing the event whose existence is under discussion), an existential predicate (expressing the claim that the event realizes), and a topic component (expressing the topic time relative to which the truth of the existence claim is evaluated). A pf serves a different function. It expresses a proposition about the completion of an event (whereby the initial part of the event is existentially presupposed). I propose that the pivot constituent is the VP and that it supplies an entity correlate of a property. Not any property is possible, however. There is a prescription of event uniqueness which follows naturally if we assume that the pivot expresses a property that corresponds to an event kind. Wrt consumption verbs in completed ipfs, the proposed analysis predicts that the thematic argument must not be consumed in the run of the event. Otherwise the VP would describe a unique event. It is to the satisfaction of this constraint that the bare singulars get a non-specific reading. Where there are no consumption verbs, a specific/definite interpretation of the bare singular is possible without reservation. AG5 155

175 Haus 6, Raum S17 Types of Kind-referring Bare Singulars and Pseudo-Incorporation Carmen Dobrovie-Sorin / CNRS-LLF, U. Paris 7 Freitag, 15.3., 12:00 12:30 1. The puzzle. Hindi (H) and Brazilian Portuguese (BrP) are alike insofar as they allow bare singulars (BSs) in argument positions to take both existential and kind-referring readings (Dayal 2004, 2011 for H and Munn & Schmitt 1999, 2005, Schmitt & Munn 2002 for BrP). However, the two languages differ insofar as Hindi kind-referring BSs behave on a par with English singular definites (Dayal 2004), whereas in BrP, kind-referring BSs show the behavior of English BPs (Munn & Schmitt 1999, 2005). This difference cannot be explained within neo-carlsonian analyses such as those proposed by Dayal (2004) for H or Pires & Rothstein (2011) for BrP. The goal of the presentation is to show that the semantic difference between generic BSs in Hindi and BrP can be reduced to a syntactic parameter regarding Number features. As a terminological note, the label BS should not be understood literally as meaning (morpho-syntactic or semantic) singular but rather count bare noun that is unmarked for morphological Number. 2. Number-neutrality and Pseudo-incorporation. Dayal s (2004, 2011) description of Hindi and Schmitt & Munn s description of BrP point to the following crosslinguistic generalization: (1) Non-pseudo-incorporated existential BSs are interpreted as singular in Hindi but as number-neutral in BrP. AG5 3. Bare Singulars and Number. In line with Farkas & de Swart (2003), a.o., I will assume that non-pseudo-incorporated BSs are not truly bare NPs but rather Num(ber)Ps: (2) a. [Num [-sg, -pl]ø] [NPmass] mass bare NPs (Hindi, BrP, Engl) b. [Num [pl]ø] [NPcount] bare plural NPs (Hindi, BrP, Engl) c. [Num [sg]ø] [NPcount] BSs (Hindi) d. [Num [-sg, -pl]ø] [NPcount] BSs (BrP) The representations in (2c-d) capture the empirical generalization stated in (1): BSs differ in their Number features in Hindi and BrP. 4. Number and Kind-reference. Our initial puzzle can now be solved by assuming that kind-referring expressions are full DPs in which NumP is governed by Det, which gets interpreted as either the Iota or the Down operator, 156

176 Haus 6, Raum S17 depending on the features of Num (see Chierchia s 1998 definition of the Down operator, Dayal 2004 for the Down operator applying to mass NPs and Dobrovie-Sorin & Pires 2008 for the Down operator applying to numberneutral BSs): (3) a. [Det ι [Num [sg]ø] [NPcount]] BSs (Hindi) b. [Det [Num [-sg, -pl]ø] [NPcount]] BSs (BrP) The configuration in (3a) yields either definite singulars or names of singular kinds depending on whether the NP denotes a property of individuals or a property of kinds (Dayal 2004). Thus, the fact that Hindi non-incorporated BSs are marked as sg explains on the one hand the fact that in existential contexts they are interpreted as singular (rather than as number neutral) and on the other hand the fact that their kind interpretation is the one characteristic of singular kinds, e.g., The bear is a nice animal in English (Dayal (2004)). In BrP on the other hand, the fact that BSs are [-sg,-pl] explains on the one hand their number-neutrality in existential contexts and on the other hand the fact their kind reference is that of plural kinds, e.g. the kind reference characteristic of BPs in English, e.g., Bears are dangerous. References Chierchia, G Reference to Kinds across Languages. NLS 6-4, ; Dayal, V. 2004, Number marking and (in)definiteness in kind terms. L&P, Dayal, V Hindi Pseudo-Incorporation, NLLT; Dobrovie-Sorin (2012) Number as a Feature, in Cardinaletti, Munaro, Giusti, Poletto, eds. Functional Heads, OUP. Dobrovie-Sorin, C. & R. Pires de Oliveira Reference to kinds in Brazilian Portuguese, in Atle Grønn (ed.). Proceedings of SuB 12, Oslo: Farkas, D. & H. de Swart The semantics of incorporation: from argument structure to discourse transparency. CSLI, Stanford; Müller, A The Semantics of Generic Quantification in Brazilian Portuguese. PROBUS 14: Munn, A. & Schmitt, C. (1999), Against the Nominal Mapping Parameter. Proceedings of NELS 29. Munn, A. & Schmitt, C. (2005), Number and indefinites. Lingua 115: Pires de Oliveira, R. & Rothstein, S Bare singular noun phrases are mass in Brazilian Portuguese, Lingua 121. Schmitt, Cristina & Allan Munn (2002), The syntax and semantics of bare arguments in Brazilian Portuguese. Linguistic Variation Yearbook 2: AG5 157

177 Haus 6, Raum S17 AG5 Pseudo-Incorporation in German Werner Frey / ZAS Berlin Freitag, 15.3., 12:30 13:00 In German, resultative arguments, despite constituting a maximal projection, seem to form a complex predicate with the verb (e.g. Helbig & Buscha 1986, Truckenbrodt 2012) (they have to follow manner adverbials, which can be shown to be base generated adjacent to the verbal complex; they cannot be scrambled; they behave special prosodically). That indefinite NPs may show a similar behaviour has not been discussed yet. For example, they may follow manner adverbials which cannot be scrambled, (1a), and if they do, they cannot be stranded by predicate preposing to the prefield, (1b). Note that if an indefinite precedes a manner adverbial, the predicate may move to the prefield alone, (1c). The talk will argue that data like (1a,b) involve pseudo-incorporation of the indefinite NP. Note that NPs, but not DPs, may be pseudo-incorporated, quantificational and referential phrases being ruled out, (2). That German has pseudo-incorporation allows explaining other hitherto puzzling facts, for example, the lack of a parenthetical niche, (3), and the so called DP-PP-split-construction, (4a), in which the PP-complement of a DP seems to be moved to the left. However, the construction is not possible with any old DP, (4b), with a PP which is an adjunct, and with the nominal argument occurring to the left of a manner adverbial, (4c). Note that the ungrammaticality of (4c) is not due to a freezing effect induced by scrambling, (4d). In sum, the data indicate that the split-construction is only possible if the nominal argument is pseudo-incorporated. Finally, the talk will speculate that an indefinite external argument can be pseudo-incorporated, a pertinent example being (5) with a nominative occurring in a preposed VP. The talk will argue that German pseudo-incorporation involves the unification of a predicative element with the main verb (cf. Dayal 2011). (1) a. Otto hat heute sehr heftig einen Kollegen beschimpft. Otto has today very heavily a colleague berated b. *Beschimpft hat Otto heute sehr heftig einen Kollegen. c. Beschimpft hat Otto heute einen Kollegen sehr heftig. (2) Max hat heute wunderbar viele/*alle/*die meisten Max has today marvellously many/all/the most songs Lieder/*jedes Lied gesungen. sung 158

178 Haus 6, Raum S17 (3) *Er hat sehr laut ein Lied he has very loudly a lied - eines one von Schubert by Schubert - gesungen. sung (4) a. Von Peter hat Maria laut einen Freund beschimpft. Maria has loudly berated a friend of Peter. b. *Von Peter hat Maria laut jeden Freund beschimpft. of Peter has Maria loudly every friend berated c. *Von Peter hat Maria einen Freund laut beschimpft. d. *Von Peter ist heute ein Freund mit Maria ausgegangen. of Peter is today a friend with Maria went out (5) Linguisten Langusten gegessen haben hier noch nie. Linguists have not yet eaten spiny lobsters here. References Dayal (2011): Hindi pseudo-incorporation. NLLT Helbig & Buscha (19869): Deutsche Grammatik: ein Handbuch für den Ausländerunterricht. Berlin. Truckenbrodt (2012): Effects of indefinite pronouns and traces on verb stress in German. In: Borowsky et al. (eds.): Prosody matters: essays in honor of Elisabeth Selkirk. Sheffield. AG5 159

179 Der SchlüSSeltext der Linguistik endlich in neuer Übersetzung: Peter Wunderli (Hg.) Ferdinand de Saussure: Cours de linguistique générale Zweisprachige Ausgabe französisch-deutsch mit Einleitung, Anmerkungen und Kommentar 2013, 540 Seiten, geb. [D] 128,00 ISBN Im Februar 1913 verstarb Ferdinand de Saussure, 1916 publizierten Charles Bally und Albert Sechehaye seinen Cours de linguistique générale auf der Basis von Studentenmitschriften seiner Vorlesungen und einigen wenigen handschriftlichen Notizen erschien die deutsche Übersetzung von Hermann Lommel. Obwohl 2001 zum dritten Mal aufgelegt, muss diese heute als hoffnungslos veraltet gelten: Die terminologischen Festlegungen sind oft unglücklich und irreführend, der Stil ist antiquiert, und natürlich berücksichtigt sie die intensive Saussure-Forschung der letzten Jahrzehnte ebenso wenig wie die seit den 50er Jahren entdeckten, z.t. umfangreichen Manuskripte. Dies macht eine Neuübersetzung nötig, die diese Mängel behebt und die entstandenen Lücken schließt. Die hier vorgelegte Neuübersetzung wird in einer zweisprachigen Ausgabe vorgestellt. Sie erlaubt einen ständigen Vergleich des deutschen Textes mit dem französischen Original, wobei dieses den (korrigierten) Text der kritischen Ausgabe von Rudolf Engler (1968) wiedergibt, der auch als Übersetzungsbasis dient. Zudem ist sie kommentiert: Eine Einleitung zu Leben und Werk Ferdinand de Saussures und eine Darstellung der Genese und der Rezeption des Cours bieten neue Zugänge zu diesem Klassiker. Ergänzt wird der Text durch einen ausführlichen Kommentar zu den problematischen Stellen. Narr Francke Attempto Verlag GmbH+Co. KG Dischingerweg 5 D Tübingen Tel. +49 (07071) Fax +49 (07071)

180 Arbeitsgruppe 6 Interaction of Syntactic Primitives Anke Assmann Doreen Georgi Philipp Weisser Timo Klein Workshop description Recent research in syntax has shown which theoretical primitives are available in different frameworks to derive syntactic phenomena. Minimalism, for example, uses the two basic operations MERGE and AGREE that are restricted in various ways. Construction Grammar analyses these phenomena via abstract constructions stored in the lexicon. Frameworks like HPSG or LFG determine possible representations using representational constraints. Finally, Optimality Theory make use of extrinsic orderings of Faithfulness and Markedness Constraints to determine the optimal syntactic structure. These findings enable us to explore possible interactions of theoretical primitives in the respective frameworks. The goal of this workshop is to facilitate the discourse between proponents of different theories concerning the question which primitives (rules, constraints, constructions, operations and orderings) interact and how. Are there cases where the application of one operation facilitates or blocks the application of another (transparent interaction)? On the other hand, do we sometimes expect interactions of primitives but do not find them (opaque interaction)? Transparent and opaque rule interactions have been well-known in phonology where they have been labelled Feeding, Bleeding, Counter-Feeding and Counter-Bleeding (Kiparsky 1973). These terms can be transferred to AG6 161

181 Haus 6, Raum S18 the interactions of theoretical primitives in syntax. The concepts have often been implicitly assumed in many syntactic analyses but have rarely been stated explicitly. The phenomenon of wanna-contraction in ECM-infinitives, for example, where the embedded subject is moved to the matrix clause, can be described as Counter-Feeding (*Who do you wanna meet Mary?). The contraction of want and to is blocked by the intervening who in its base position. Moving the element could feed contraction but does not (Arregi & Nevins 2012). The workshop is intended for proponents of different frameworks who show how syntactic phenomena can be derived by invoking interactions of theoretical primitives. Some of the main questions will be: Are the interaction patterns/orderings extrinsic or intrinsic, universal or language specific, context sensitive or context free? What are the differences and similarities of the various frameworks? Feeding and Transparency Klaus Abels / U. of London Mittwoch, 13.3., 14:30 15:30 In this talk I will discuss the interaction between selective transparency of nodes and the feeding-bleeding relationships between movement operations. The question will be approached both in abstract terms with an attempt to characterize possible and impossible types of patterns and empirically by investigating which types of patterns are actually found. CP-extraction feeds complementizer agreement Dalina Kallulli / U. Wien Mittwoch, 13.3., 15:30 16:00 AG6 Taking my cue from Bavarian, the central goal of this talk is to show that (some) relative pronouns in this language are better analysed as agreeing complementizers fed by CP-extraction. More specifically, I will provide an alternative analysis to the construction in (1), which Felix (1985) analyses as a parasitic gap construction, whereby the second empty category (the parasitic gap in Felix s terms) has been licensed by the postulated trace of den which in the if-clause (i.e. according to Felix, den in (1) has been extracted out of the adjunct clause). 162

182 Haus 6, Raum S18 (1) Das ist der Kerl i den i wenn ich e i erwisch, erschlag ich e i (BG) this is the guy i who i if I e i catch beat I e i This is the guy who I will beat (up) if I catch him The alternative analysis I offer is motivated by theoretical and empirical problems with Felix s approach, such as extraction out of a strong island, the fact that extraction from strong islands is disallowed in another, similar parasitic gap construction in Bavarian, namely the one that arguably feeds on the phenomenon of Emphatic Topicalization (cf. in particular Bayer 2001 and Lutz 1997, 2004), as well as the fact that Felix s analysis predicts that the relative pronoun should be able to cyclically move higher up, producing examples like (2), which are however ungrammatical: (2) *Das ist der Kerl den ich erwarte (dass) wenn ich erwisch, erschlag this is the guy who I expect (that) if I catch slay ich. I The very fact that the relative pronoun in (1) must appear in the left edge of the (arguably leftward-moved) island suggests that the pronoun never leaves this island. This is indeed what I propose. The crucial ingredients of my analysis are: (i) Bavarian (but not Standard German) has a recursive CP, as given in (3), where the (arguably VP-adjoined) i f -clause has moved to the specifier position of the final CP, thereby triggering inversion (i.e. verb movement to C 0 ), much like in English (cf. Emonds 1969) - e.g. Up to the parliament marched thousands of demonstrators; (ii) the so-called relative pronoun in sentences like (1) is in fact an agreeing complementizer (or possibly at most a PF-merger of dass that and a clitic n him ); (iii) the parasitic gap in (1) is a null resumptive, i.e. pro (cf. Cinque 1990). (3) Das ist der Kerl [ CP [ C 0 den j ] [ CP [ Spec,CP wenn ich e j erwisch] i erschlag ich t i e j ]] Repair By Ellipsis = Damage By Transfer Marc Richards / Goethe-U. Frankfurt Mittwoch, 13.3., 16:30 17:00 Current minimalism entertains just three primitive operations: Transfer, Merge, and Agree. A potentially important and useful observation is that the application of the first of these (Transfer) bleeds the operation of the other two AG6 163

183 Haus 6, Raum S18 (Merge and Agree). Thus once a phasal domain has been transferred, it can t be moved out of (i.e. internal merge is blocked) or agreed into (i.e. it becomes subject to the Phase Impenetrability Condition). In this way, Transfer arguably provides the syntactic source of island effects in a minimalist system (see Müller 2010, 2011 for one such implementation). It then follows on such an approach that if we can suspend Transfer, then Move/Merge and Agree into phasal domains should become possible again (i.e. they re unblocked ). A diagnostic for lack of Transfer to the phonological interface PHON would be lack of a PF, i.e. silence. This affords us a very minimalist handle on the phenomenon of repair by ellipsis (RBE): specifically, RBE must be movement out of a non-transferred domain. As is well known, RBE has always posed a considerable problem in terms of the interaction of theoretical primitives, namely how a PHON/PF-operation (deletion) can apparently feed a syntactic one (movement). Insofar as we can characterize (island-ameliorating) ellipsis as non-transfer, we solve this architectural problem, essentially by flipping RBE on its head: It isn t that ellipsis repairs an island, but rather that only nonellipsis (qua Transfer to PHON) creates that island in the first place (perhaps in the manner of Fox & Pesetsky 2005, i.e. by fixing the linear order of the transferred material). Repair By Ellipsis is then really Damage By Transfer. This paper explores the proposed architecture, and the nature of Transfer, in more detail, whilst also addressing those cases of ellipsis (such as VP-ellipsis) that fail to have the reparatory effect. References Fox, D. & D. Pesetsky Cyclic linearization of syntactic structure. Theoretical Linguistics 31: Müller, G On deriving CED effects from the PIC. Linguistic Inquiry 41: Müller, G Constraints on displacement. A phase-based approach. Amsterdam: John Benjamins. AG6 What small clause (sub)extraction in Russian reveals about the properties of merge Leah Bauke / Goethe U. of Frankfurt Mittwoch, 13.3., 17:00 17:30 Russian small clauses (SC) display an interesting pattern of wh-extraction and subextraction: (1) Prezident SŠA byl liderom svobodnyx nacij President.nom USA.gen was leader.inst free.gen.pl nation.gen.pl The president of the US was the leader of the free nations 164

184 Haus 6, Raum S18 (2) a. Kto kem byl? Who.nom what.inst was Who was what? (3) a. Kakoj strany byl prezident liderom svobonyx Which.gen country was president.nom leader.inst free.gen.pl nacij? nation.gen.pl Of which country was the president the leader of the free nations? b. Kakix nacij byl prezident SŠA liderom? Which nations.gen was president.nom USA.gen leader.inst Of which nations was the president of the US the leader? (4) a. Kto kakix nacij byl liderom? Who.nom which nations.gem was leader.inst Who was of which nations the leader? b. Kem kakoy strany byl prezident? What.inst which country.gen was president.nom Of which countries the president was what? (5) *Kakoj strany kakix nacij byl prezident liderom? Which country.gen which nations.gen was president.nom leader.inst This paper presents an analysis that accounts for the data by relating this to a general principle of syntactic derivation, according to which Merge is a cost free and basic operation in narrow syntax (cf. e.g. Chomsky 2000, 2008, to appear) that combines larger syntactic objects (SOs) from smaller SOs. There is only one restriction on the application of Merge: that one of the SO that form the input to Merge must be a lexical item (LI). An LI is characterized by an edge feature (EF) that basically allows it to enter the derivation and undergo (internal or external) Merge (cf. among others Chomsky 2008; Kayne 2010; Narita 2011, 2012). This is formally expressed in the H-α schema in Narita (2011): H-α schema: Merge (H, α) {H, α} Complex SOs that emerge in the course of the derivation can be reduced to LIs at the Phase-level, where a specifier-less Phase-head spells out its complement domain and remains in the derivation basically as an LI. So, for extraction to be possible this must proceed via a Phasehead with a spelled-out domain (otherwise remerge with an already complex SO would not be possible). Subextraction on the other hand requires that the complement domain of a Phasehead is still accessible. This immediately predicts that subextraction from both constituents in (1) is impossible, because at least one of the con- AG6 165

185 Haus 6, Raum S18 stituents must have been merged as a Phasehead with a spelled-out domain thus blocking subextraction. This analysis does not exclude the possibility that both SC constituents are reduced to Phase-heads with EFs via Spell-out. All that is required is Spell-out of the complement domain of the D-head. It is along these lines that a distinction between predicative and equative SCs will be drawn. References Bošković, Z On multiple wh-froning. LI 33: Chomsky, N On Phases. In R. Freidin, C. Otero & M. L. Zubizarreta (eds.). Foundational issues in linguistic theory. Cambridge MA: MIT Press Chomsky, N. to appear. Problems of projection. Moro, A Dynamic antisymmetry. Cambridge MA: MIT Press. Narita, H Phasing-in full interpretation. Ms Harvard. Cross-modular interaction Joost Kremers / Georg-August-U. Göttingen Mittwoch, 13.3., 17:30 18:00 AG6 The study of interaction between grammatical primitives should not a priori be limited to intra-modular interactions. Since linguistic utterances have (at least) a semantic, a syntactic and a phonological structure, it is not inconceivable that primitives in one domain interact with primitives in another. In this paper, I focus on syntax-phonology interactions. From a purely descriptive point of view, there are definitely cases that suggest such syntax-phonology interaction exists (cf. e.g., Inkelas and Zec 1990; Erteschik-Shir and Rochman 2010; Richards 2010). Interestingly, at the syntactic level, only prosodic principles seem to play a role, as Zec and Inkelas (1990) have also noted. I discuss two such examples: Zec and Inkelas analysis of heavy NP-shift (HNPS), and Richard s analysis of wh questions. But the main question to be addressed here is how these observations can be accounted for theoretically. I will consider two approaches and compare them with each other: a derivational approach based on phase theory and an HPSG-inspired representational approach. Zec and Inkelas (1990) show that HNPS is possible when the shifted NP consists of at least two p-phrases. Similarly, Richards (2010) observes that a wh word shares a major phrase with a (possibly covert) interrogative C head. If (and only if) this major phrase cannot be construed with the wh-word in situ, the wh-word moves. If these analyses are correct, it seems that phonology can trigger a syntactic movement operation. In a derivational approach, this would mean that a transfer operation is preliminary: the structure received by the PF interface is first checked against 166

186 Haus 6, Raum S18 a number of prosodic constraints and if one is violated, the structure is rejected. It is then up to the syntax to repair the structure. HNPS makes this picture a bit more specific. If it is correct that HNPS can target both VP and TP (e.g., Wallenberg 2010), then we have more evidence that prosodic structure is evaluated at the phase level. A representational approach has some advantages and some disadvantages compared to a derivational approach. For one, the phonology-syntax interaction is easier to model, because a structure with an ill-formed phon attribute is simply rejected. That is, in HPSG, syntax and phonology do not really interact: the observation that wh in situ (without special wh in situ intonation) is rejected by phonology and that a wh-structure can be rescued by wh-fronting is a meta -explanation, not something encoded in the grammar. The minimalist account allows us to express this notion in the grammar itself, though at the cost of a more complex grammar, since the precise timing of syntax/phonology interactions needs to be made explicit. References Erteschik-Shir, Nomi, and Lisa Rochman, eds The Sound Patterns of Syntax. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Inkelas, Sharon, and Draga Zec, eds The Phonology-Syntax Connection. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. Richards, Norvin Uttering Trees. Cambridge, MA: The MIT Press. Wallenberg, Joel C Antisymmetry and Heavy NP Shift Across Germanic. Ms. University of Iceland. Zec, Draga, and Sharon Inkelas Prosodically Constrained Syntax. In The Phonology-Syntax Connection, ed. Sharon Inkelas and Draga Zec, Chicago: University of Chicago Press. Rule ordering in verb cluster formation Martin Salzmann / U. Leipzig Mittwoch, 13.3., 18:00 18:30 1. Summary: I will discuss two types of rule interactions in the domain of verb cluster formation. In the first type, a particular rule order results from the operations taking place in different components of grammar, viz. syntax vs. PF: topicalization in syntax bleed verb cluster formation at PF. In the second type, 2 operations both take place at PF. They can be ordered differently in different languages, accounting for variation in the placement of the infinitival marker. 2. The extraposition paradox: Relative clause extraposition in German targets VP. It is striking that in V-final structures containing a verbal complex, extraposition cannot target VP3 or VP2 but only VP1. AG6 167

187 Haus 6, Raum S18 (1) dass ich [ vp1 [ vp1 [ vp2 [ vp2 [ vp3 [ vp3 _ 1 reden] *darüber 1 ] können] that I talk.inf about.it can.inf *darüber 1 ] sollte] darüber 1 ] about.it should about.it that I should be able to talk about it Haider (2003) This can be explained by assuming that verbal complexes involve complex head formation. Once the verbs cluster clause-finally, extraposition can only target VP1. What makes the phenomenon particularly challenging is the fact that extraposition to VP3 becomes possible under topicalization of VP3: (2) [ vp3 [ vp3 _ 1 reden] darüber 1 ] 2 sollte 3 ich schon talk.inf about.it should I indeed _ 2 können _ 3 can.inf This leads to a paradox in that complex head formation has to be obligatory and non-obligatory at the same time. I propose to solve the paradox by assuming that cluster formation takes place under adjacency at PF, i.e. after syntax. If extraposition targets VP2 or VP3, complex head-formation (which I take to be obligatory) is blocked and the derivation crashes. In 2), topicalization in syntax destroys the context for cluster formation (which, by assumption is, is only required if several verbal elements occupy the same VP). Therefore, extraposition to VP3 is unproblematic. 3. The placement of the infinitival marker in ascending verb clusters: While the infinitival marker te occurs at the beginning of the verb cluster in Dutch 3) (and thus correctly associates with the hierarchically highest verb), its equivalent zu in German varieties associates with the right-most verb of the cluster even though this should be a bare infinitive 4): AG6 (3) ohne es haben lesen zu wollen without it have.inf read.inf to want.inf (132) (4) zonder het te hebben willen lezen without it to have.inf want.inf read.inf without having wanted to read it (123) I propose to derive this asymmetry by differences in the order of 2 PF-operations. Operation 1 derives ascending verb clusters by inverting V with its sister (Haegeman and van Riemsdijk (1986)). Operation 2 cliticizes the infinitival marker on the adjacent verbal element and inverts with it. In German, 1 applies before 2 while the reversed order obtains in Dutch: 168

188 Haus 6, Raum S18 (5) ohne [[[es lesen] wollen] haben] zu inversion ohne es [haben [[lesen] wollen]] zu zu-cliticization ohne es [haben [[lesen] [zu+wollen]] (6) zonder [[[het lezen] willen] hebben] te te-cliticization zonder [[[het lezen] willen] te+hebben] inversion zonder het [te+hebben [willen [lesen]]] A Hybrid Approach to Agreement Typology: MP+OT Ellen Woolford / U. of Massachusetts Donnerstag, 14.3., 09:00 10:00 Which module(s) of grammar is/are relevant to agreement patterns? Is agreement a purely morphological/pf phenomenon? Is it a purely syntactic phenomenon? I argue that the most restrictive approach that accounts for the observed patterns of agreement in natural languages involves a division of labor between syntax and morphology/pf spell-out. This approach generates agreement patterns by combining a simplified MP syntax with morphological spell out at PF governed by a restricted set of OT constraints. In syntax, I argue that there are three kinds of cross-referencing elements available in UG and these serve as the basic building blocks of a diverse range of agreement patterns. This set includes what I will call I-Agreement (the agreement associated with the Infl/T node), pronominal clitics (familiar from Romance languages), plus a third type of cross-referencing element often labeled as incorporated pronouns or object agreement in the grammars of particular languages. This third type passes diagnostic tests that place it in the affix category, yet it behaves like pronominal clitics in that it can potentially cross-reference any argument. I refer to this last set as head clitics, postulating that these are clitics/clitic-like elements that adjoin to heads in syntax. In syntax, decisions are made as to how many of these elements are generated and what elements they cross-reference. At PF/morphological spell-out, no additional cross-referencing forms can be added; instead, at this level, the only decisions to be made are what elements from syntax to spell out (by morpheme insertion), what features of each element to spell out, and what fine-tuning of linear order needs to be done. Different decisions as to what cross-referencing elements are and are not spelled out results in superficially diverse patterns including hierarchical AG6 169

189 Haus 6, Raum S18 agreement (Guarani), active agreement (Choctaw and Lakota), and superficially ergative agreement patterns in the absence of ergative case (Selayarese and Yucatec Maya). Person alignment effects on linear order make Yimas appear to have four cross-referencing slots, when it actually only has three, with one linearized as a prefix or suffix on the verb depending on person. In true ergative languages, where Infl can probe to and past an ergative subject to reach a nominative object, Infl may gather features from both arguments (a multiple agree relation). Decisions at PF as to what features of I-Agreement to spell-out may result in many portmanteau agreement morphemes (Inuit) or spelling out the features of the nominative argument in most situations, but the ergative argument in an exceptional situation (Basque displacement). Dative as a mixed Case: Agree meets m-case Artemis Alexiadou / U. of Stuttgart Elena Anagnstopoulou / U. of Crete Christina Sevdali / U. of Ulster Donnerstag, 14.3., 10:00 10:30 In this paper we provide evidence based on Case alternations in passives in favor of the view that dative is a mixed Case. Cross-linguistically, we find three types of languages: (i) Uniform languages where dative is never structural Case, and dativenominative alternations never take place (e.g. Modern Greek, Russian). (ii) Mixed languages where dative qualifies as structural in ditransitives and as inherent case monotransitives (e.g. Standard German, Japanese). (iii) Uniform languages in which alternations happen both in ditransitives and in monotransitives (e.g. Luxemburg German, Ancient Greek). AG6 Building on Rezac s (2008) theory of opacity vs. transparency of theta-related Case to Agree (Rezac argues for a conclusion along these lines on the basis of different patterns of dative agreement across Basque dialects), combined with a (modified) theory of Case alternations in terms of m(orphological)-case (Marantz 1991), we propose that dative arguments are PPs, unlike accusatives which are DPs. Being complements of P, dative DPs are often invisible to an outside probe, Voice or T, for Agree. Under certain conditions, however, they become visible, when P has a phi probe that enters Agree with the DP below 170

190 Haus 6, Raum S18 it, transmitting the features of the DP outside the PP. We furthermore argue that the actual distribution of m-cases (dative, accusative, nominative) in actives and passives of languages with alternating datives is determined at the PF component, subject to the case-realization disjunctive hierarchy proposed by Marantz (1991). A dative argument entering Agree qualifies as having dependent case in the sense of Marantz (1991) and not as having lexically governed case. Not being lexically governed cases, dependent (i.e. structural) datives are not preserved throughout the derivation and become nominative whenever the structural conditions for dependent case are not met. Finally, we propose that the difference between German/Dutch/Ancient Greek/Japanese, on the one hand, and Icelandic, on the other, concerning the environments where dative alternations happen (passives vs. middles) depends on the head where the phi-probe entering Agree with dative DPs is located: Voice or v. Phi-defective numerals in Polish: Bleeding and default agreement Heidi Klockmann / U. of Utrecht Donnerstag, 14.3., 10:30 11:00 Summary Polish numerals present a complex pattern of agreement and case assignment which can be derived from the simple claim that Polish numerals are phi-defective, once default agreement (Preminger 2011), cyclic agreement (Rezac 2003), and case stacking (Matushansky 2008; Pesetsky 2009) are accepted as syntactic primitives. I will argue that the interactions of these generate bleeding effects in verbal agreement with 5+ numerals and quantified masculine personal nouns. Data Polish numerals produce agreement mismatches, i.e. mismatching features on the probe and would-be goal, which are dependent on the value of the numeral and the gender of the modified noun (i.e. the Goal). Numerals greater than 5 (5+) consistently produce agreement mismatches (1a), while the lower numerals (2,3,4) generally do not (1b); if the noun has masculine personal gender, additional oblique marking is found on 5+ numerals (2a), and mismatches appear on 2,3,4 numerals (2b): 1 AG6 1 Abbreviations as follows: M: masculine; N: neuter; MP: masculine personal; SG: singular; PL: plural; NOM: nominative; ACC: accusative; GEN: genitive 171

191 Haus 6, Raum S18 (1) a. Piȩć ptaków spało Five.NOM/ACC bird.m.gen.pl slept.n.sg (Mismatch: number, gender) 5+ INDUCED Five birds slept b. Dwa ptaki spały Two.M.NOM bird.m.nom.pl slept.m.pl Two birds slept (2) a. Piȩciu chłopców spało Five.OBLIQUE boy.mp.gen.pl slept.n.sg (Mismatch: number, gender) 5+ and GENDER INDUCED Five boys slept b. Dwóch Two.GEN/ACC chłopców boy.mp.gen.pl (Mismatch: number, gender) GENDER INDUCED Two boys slept spało slept.n.sg (No mismatch) AG6 I argue that both the 5+ induced agreement mismatch (1) and the genderinduced agreement mismatch (2) are the result of default agreement (Preminger, 2011), triggered by the presence of the numeral. Previous solutions Franks (1994), Przepiórkowski (2004) and Rutkowski (2002) have argued that the discrepancy found with 5+ numerals (1a) is due to an accusative case feature on the numeral, which blocks verb agreement. This analysis disregards the behavior of 2,3,4 with respect to masculine personal gender; their inclusion would force the accusative case to be genderdependent specifically for these numerals. I reject this analysis for its inability to provide a unified treatment of the numerals. Analysis Instead, I argue that the feature sets of the numerals are responsible for the behavior in (1). Numerals 5+ are phi-defective, semi-lexical nouns, which assign a genitive through a covert case assigner; numerals 2,3,4 are semi-lexical adjectives, which retain a (usually) inactive case assigner as a remnant of their once nominal status (Rutkowski 2006). Consequently, genitive case is found with 5+, but not 2,3,4. This difference derives the contrast found in (1). Neither numeral is an adequate goal, and hence, cannot be agreed with; additionally, the genitive case of 5+ numerals robs the verb of an active goal (the noun), whereas this does not occur with 2,3,4. This produces default agreement with the one, but not the other (Preminger 2011). Thus, the geni- 172

192 Haus 6, Raum S18 tive case assignment effectively bleeds the verb of its goal with 5+ numerals, while its absence with 2,3,4 allows for full agreement. The gender-induced agreement mismatch in (2) is the result of case-leaking, triggered by the masculine personal gender value: the genitive case assigner is unable to deactivate after agreement with the lower noun, and instead extends its search space upwards through cyclic agree (Rezac, 2003), thereby assigning genitive to both numeral and noun. This genitive case makes both inactive, again bleeding the verb of an active goal; this produces default agreement for both numeral types. Opaque interaction of Merge and Agree: on two types of Internal Merge Doreen Georgi / U. Leipzig Donnerstag, 14.3., 11:30 12:00 I present a new empirical argument for a strictly derivational model of syntax based on timing of operations. The evidence comes from opacity effects which show that internal Merge (IM) is not a uniform operation. Rather, it must be split into IM triggered by edge features and IM triggered by other features (wh-features on C, the EPP on T, etc). The split is empirically motivated by the observation that when both types of IM are triggered by the same head H, they apply at different points in the derivation. This effect becomes visible once they interact with Agree: In some languages, non-edge featuredriven IM feeds/bleeds Agree relations initiated by H, whereas IM triggered by edge features counter-feeds/counter-bleeds Agree. Hence, the interaction of IM and Agree is opaque. The term opacity characterizes rule interactions that are non-transparent: When looking at the output of an opaque interaction, it is unclear (a) why a certain operation has not applied althoug h its context is given (counter-feeding) or (b) why an operation has applied although its context is not given (counter-bleeding) (cf. Kiparsky 1973). The AG6 173

193 Haus 6, Raum S18 cases at hand are opaque because internally merged XPs land in the same position SpecH, whether IM is driven by edge features or by other features, the output structure is identical; nevertheless, the two types of IM have different consequences for Agree. The effect can be modeled by ordering operationinducing features on the triggering head H: Type A of IM applies after Agree and type B of IM applies before Agree initiated by H. The consequence of this order is that IM type A applies too late to change possible Agree relations (the DP that is to be internally merged is still in its base position when Agree applies); IM type B changes structural relations before Agree applies and can thus feed or bleed Agree relations (depending on the input), because Agree is structure-sensitive. I will show that opacity effects of this abstract pattern can be found on every functional head along the clausal spine on the basis of the following phenomena: anti-agreement effect in Berber, defective intervention in Romance and Icelandic, TAM marking in Hausa, spell-out of C in Haitian Creole, and possessor case/agreement in Uralic. With respect to language variation, a generalization emerges: If edge feature-driven and nonedge feature-driven IM interact opaquely with Agree, the former always applies after the latter, but never before it. I present an account of this asymmetry which is based on specificity-driven ordering of operation-inducing features on a head (see Pullum 1979 and Lahne for application of the Specificity Principle in syntax). Furthermore, the cross-linguistic variation provides evidence for uniform paths (contra Abels 2003): Apart from C, v (and D), T is also a phase head. The present analysis of opacity effects crucially relies on timing of elementary operations and thereby provides an argument for a strictly derivational syntax (cf. also Řezač 2004, Heck & Müller 2007). Notes on the Duke of York Winfried Lechner / U. of Athens Donnerstag, 14.3., 12:00 13:00 AG6 Duke of York (DoY; Pullum 1976) derivations follow the tripartite format A B A: input A is mapped to B, some operation targets B, and the derivation returns to the initial state A, rendering all computations on B opaque. DoY conspiracies constitute one of the strongest known type of argument for derivations - but have proven elusive in the syntactic component so far. The German relative clause (1) instantiates such a rare DoY. (1) involves three ingredients: (i) a relative pronoun (das 3 / which 3 ) which pied-pipes an infinitival CP and covertly raises to its scope position (von Stechow 1996); (ii) two 174

194 Haus 6, Raum S18 interveners in the shape of a negative quantifier (keiner/ nobody ; Beck 1996) and the degree particle genau/ exactly which have been shown to block silent pronoun movement (Sauerland and Heck 2003); and (iii) two safeguards (the NPI auch nur NP/ even a single NP and the bound variable pronoun his 1 ) which secure reconstruction of CP below the negative intervener nobody. (1) etwas [[ CP [ PP über (*genau) das 3 ] [auch nur mit something about (exactly) which 3 [even only with einem seiner 1 Freunde] NPI zu sprechen]] 2 wohl keiner 1 t CP, 2 a.single.of his 1 friends] NPI to speak particle nobody wagen würde dare would something that 3 nobody 1 would dare to talk about t 3 [to even a single one of his 1 friends] NPI In this presentation, I consider consequences of the DoY strategy for the theory of DP-reconstruction and the binding of situation variables. Specifically, it will be seen that whereas DoY derivations are attested in contexts where DPs are restored into lower scope positions in semantics, such constellations must be excluded for DPs that undergo syntactic reconstruction. Three possible explanations for the intriguing conditions on DoYs will be discussed, which are related to three different factors: the dichotomy between optional and obligatory processes; the overt vs. covert distinction; and a re-analysis of intervention effects. Object movement feeds subject doubling: An anti-intervention effect in the Dutch dialects Marjo van Koppen / U. of Utrecht Jeroen van Craenenbroeck / Hogeschool-U. Brussels Freitag, 15.3., 11:30 12:00 1. Summary: This paper argues that the phasehood of C 0 can be voided if it acquires unvalued features during the derivation (e.g. by head movement). Crucial supporting evidence comes from clitic doubling in Dutch dialects. Clitic doubling of full DPs is not allowed in these dialects, unless (a) the DP in question is a coordination with at least one pronominal conjunct, and (b) an object clitic intervenes between the doubler (the clitic) and the doublee (the coordination). This object clitic voids the phasehood of FinP, thus feeding Agree between a higher phase head (which spells out the subject clitic) and AG6 175

195 Haus 6, Raum S18 the subject in spectp. Our proposal differs from phase extension accounts such as Den Dikken (2007) and Gallego (2010) in the following way: while for them a head can become phasal when it acquires features (due to head movement) during the derivation, we show that a head can lose its phasal status when it is targeted by head movement. 2. The data: Clitic doubling is only allowed with pronominal subjects in Dutch dialects: (1) da-ze { zaailen / *den burremiester en aai} that-they clitic they strong / the mayor and he gonj duun. will do that they/*the mayor and he will do that together. da suimen that together (2) da-ze { *de kinnerjn / *den burremiester en de pastoer} da that-they clitic the children / the mayor and the priest that suimen gonj duun. together will do that *the children/*the mayor and the priest will do that together Surprisingly, however, when an object clitic intervenes, doubling of the coordination in (1) becomes well-formed, in contrast to the non-pronominal DPs in (2): AG6 (3) da-ze t { zaailen / den burremiester that-they clitic it clitic westrong / the mayor gonj duun. will do that they/the mayor and he will do it together. en aai} suimen and hij together (4) da-ze t { *de kinnerjn / *den burremiester en de that-they clitic it clitic the children / the mayor and the pastoer} suimen gonj duun. priest together will do that *the children/*the mayor and the priest will do it together In other words, rather than disrupt the relationship between the two parts of the doubled subject, the object clitic induces an anti-intervention effect: it makes possible a clitic doubling option that was ill-formed without intervention: 176

196 Haus 6, Raum S18 Type of subject DP without object clitic with object clitic pronoun OK OK coordination with a pronominal conjunct * OK coordination with no pronominal conjunct * * non-pronominal DP * * 3. The Analysis: We analyze clitic doubling of strong pronouns via the socalled big DP-analysis, whereby the clitic subextracts out of the strong pronoun (see also Van Craenenbroeck & Van Koppen 2008). Clitic doubling of coordinations on the other hand is the result of an Agree-relation between a high phi-probe in the CP-domain and the subject. With this in mind, we can account for the contrast in (1)/(2): while the phasehood of FinP (cf. Branigan 2005) does not block the clitic in (1) from moving (successive-cyclically) to the highest CP-layer (the one hosting the complementizer), it does block Agree between the high phi-probe and the subject in spectp (due to the PIC). As a result, only clitic doubling with pronominal subjects is allowed. Now let s account for the well-formedness of (3) and the ill-formedness of (4). Following Bianchi (2006) and SigurDsson (2004), we assume that the high phiprobe mentioned above has unvalued Addressee- and Participant-features. We take this to mean that it can only target pronominal Goals. This rules out the doubling of (coordinations containing) non-pronominal subjects as in (4). As for (3), the unvalued [Fin]-feature of the object clitic triggers movement to Fino. This lifts the phasehood of FinP: given that (i) Value and Transfer of uf must happen simultaneously, and (ii) the edge and nonedge of a phase are transferred separately, a head that acquires uf in the course of the derivation, ceases to be a phase head. Removing this intervening phase boundary feeds an Agree relation between the high phi-probe and the subject in spectp. This Agree-relation is realized as subject doubling. Operation ordering in head-final languages Alastair Appleto / U. of Cambridge Freitag, 15.3., 12:00-12:30 This paper is concerned with one of the fundamental operations in Minimalist syntax, Merge, and more specifically, Internal Merge. The central claim is that, in harmonically head-final languages like Japanese, the roll-up movement which derives head-final order (i.e. one particular type of Internal Merge) blocks subsequent applications of A-movement (i.e. another type of Internal Merge). AG6 177

197 Haus 6, Raum S18 AG6 The main part of the paper shows how we are forced to this conclusion if we adopt the theoretical machinery developed by Biberauer, Holmberg & Roberts (in press) [BHR]. The structure of the paper is as follows: 1. As a result of Kayne s Linear Correspondence Axiom [LCA], harmonically head-final languages like Japanese are derived through repeated instances of leftward movement ( roll-up ). 2. Movement is triggered by an EPP-feature which may be associated with: (a) an unvalued Probe, triggering movement of the Goal to the probe s spec; (b) a phase head; or (c) a head s c-selection feature, triggering movement of the entire complement to the head s spec. Configuration (a) generates A- movement e.g. English subject raising to spec,tp; (b) generates A -movement, and (c) drives roll-up movement, and corresponds with the assumptions of BHR and Julien (2002). 3. I crucially assume that BHR s Final-Over-Final Constraint [FOFC] holds. Informally, FOFC states that a head-final phrase in a given extended projection may be dominated by a head-initial or head-final phrase, while a headinitial phrase may only be dominated by another head-initial phrase. This captures the observation that structures like *[[VO]Aux], *[[Asp VP] T], *[[V O] C] and *[[Pol TP] C] are not attested cross-linguistically. Now, if head-final structures are derived by repeated leftward movement, then FOFC implies that every head in an extended projection must trigger roll-up. Thus, it is not possible to start roll-up movement partway up an extended projection, nor is it possible to start roll-up movement, skip one or more heads, and then continue roll-up movement higher up the extended projection. 4. I then show that the LCA as originally formulated is incompatible with FOFC. To resolve this tension, we must adopt a more natural view of c- command than that espoused by Kayne, such that we now admit multiple specifiers in the grammar. 5. This then raises questions about the ordering of the specifiers. Assume there is a single head triggering both roll-up and A-movement. This would be the case for e.g. T in Japanese, assuming the language has an active EPPrequirement cf. Miyagawa 2001, 2003, The question is: in which order do roll-up and A-movement occur? 6. I show that both operation orderings are problematic. If A-movement precedes roll-up, the lower copy of the DP subject is improperly bound and the movement is counter-cyclic (cf. Julien 2002). Yet if roll-up precedes A- movement, we face a problem carrying out chain reduction. 7. This forces us to conclude that harmonically head-final languages cannot exhibit A-movement of the type found in English. While an admittedly strong 178

198 Haus 6, Raum S18 proposal, this does have the consequence of vindicating several similar extant claims in the literature, viz. (a) Miyagawa s (2001, 2003, 2005) proposal that movement to spec,tp in Japanese is A-scrambling, not Agree-driven movement; (b) Julien s (2002) claim that arguments are licensed VP-internally in head-final languages, so differences in surface word order are due to topicalisation/focalisation; (c) Collins s (2005) footnote suggestion that Japanese passives may not involve A-movement; and (d) Ariji s (2006) proposal that Japanese passives do not involve A-movement. Similar claims can also be made about Turkish, on which see Öztürk (2006, 2009). The Price of Freedom: Why Adjuncts are Islands Thomas Graf / U. of California Freitag, 15.3., 12:30 13:00 I propose that if one takes seriously the Minimalist idea that syntax is driven by Merge and the feature calculus, the status of adjuncts as strong islands follows immediately from the properties that set them apart from arguments: optionality and iterability. This claim rests on mathematical results pertaining to specific properties of standard Minimalist grammars (MGs; Stabler 2011) versus those with an adjunction operation (Frey and Gärtner 2002). Intuitively, the freedom of adjuncts to adjoin to a phrase without being c-selected by the head comes at the price of rendering them semi-permeable with respect to constraints: dependencies can scope out of adjuncts and thus restrict the shape of the remainder of the tree, but not the other way round. This precludes extraction out of adjuncts given the standard assumption that movement involves a probe feature at the target site that needs to be checked, since this would be an instance of a dependency scoping into an adjunct. The existence of parasitic gaps, on the other hand, is still expected since their dependencies extend in the other direction - from inside the adjunct into the rest of the tree. Consequently, adjunct island violations are not due to a specific locality constraint but instead arise as a necessary drawback of the relative freedom adjuncts enjoy in comparison to arguments. References Frey, Werner, and Hans-Martin Gärtner On the treatment of scrambling and adjunction in minimalist grammars. In Proceedings of the Conference on Formal Grammar (FGTrento), Trento. Stabler, Edward P Computational perspectives on minimalism. In Oxford handbook of linguistic minimalism, ed. Cedric Boeckx, Oxford: Oxford University Press. AG6 179

199 Haus 6, Raum S18 Simultaneous Derivation of Form and Meaning Edwin Williams / Princeton U. Freitag, 15.3., 13:00 14:00 The usual conception of the interaction of Semantics and Syntax is one where Syntax is generative, and Semantics is interpretive that is, Syntax generates structures and Semantics interprets them. For movement, there is the question of which syntactic structure gets interpreted, the Reconstruction question. I will present considerations which favor a different arrangement. Syntax and Semantics proceed side by side, in the following sense: at any given derivational point, the Workspace consists of pairs (MS, [[MS]]) of Morpho-syntactic objects (MSs) and their meanings ([[MS]]s). The workspace is advanced one step by applying a Semantic function to some of the [[MS]]s to derive a new meaning [[MS ]], and to the MS corresponding to each of the arguments to the Semantic function, a Morphosyntactic function applies to derive a new MS, and the pair (MS, [[MS ]]) is inserted into the workspace. This relation of form to meaning gives a narrower range of interactions between syntax and semantics. For one thing, there is no question of reconstruction ; reconstruction effects are derived in a way that depends on the timing of the operations only. For another, the Semantic function does not see the output of the Morphosyntactic function, or vice versa, as they happen simultaneously and independently. The arrangement is similar in spirit to Montague s. The Super-Strong Person-Case Constraint: A Scale-Driven Impoverishment Approach Aaron Doliana / U. Leipzig AG6 Claim With this approach, I will account for the super-strong version of the Person-Case Constraint (PCC) as a syntactic rule-interaction effect. In fact, I argue that Agree is made up of two operations, and that scale-driven Impoverishment applies in between them. The framework is an Optimality-Theoretic version of the Minimalist Program (Chomsky, 2000; Heck & Mueller, 2007) with realisational morphology. Problem The PCC is a constraint on possible combinations of phonologically weak objects in ditransitive constructions, depending on their person-feature specifications. Two well documented versions of the PCC have been the matter of thorough investigation so far: the strong one, disallowing combinations 180

200 Haus 6, Raum S18 with local (i.e. 1st and 2nd person) direct objects (DO), and the weak one, disallowing local DOs only in the context of 3rd person indirect objects (IO). However, Haspelmath (2004) shows a new version exists: the super-strong version, which allows only the combination where the IO is local person and the DO is 3rd person. Cf. (1), as only the combinations in (1-a-b) are grammatical. (1) Kambera (Klamer, 1997: ; Haspelmath, 2004) a. Na-wua-ngga-nya 3SG.AG-give-1SG.REC-3SG.THM b. Na-wua-nggau-nja 3SG.AG-give-2SG.REC-3PL.THM He gives it to me. <1, 3> He gives them to you. <2, 3> c. *Na-wua-nja-nya 3SG.AG-give-3PL.REC-3SG.THM d. *Na-wua-ngga-nggau 3SG.AG-give-1SG.REC-2SG.THM He gives it to them. *<3, 3> He gives you to me. *<1, 2> minimalist approaches such as Anagnostopoulou (2005), Adger & Harbour (2007), Richards (2008) Nevins (2007), however, fail to account for the super-strong version of the PCC. In fact, they predict the combination <3, 3> always to be grammatical, whereas it is ungrammatical in Kambera ((1-c)). Assumptions [A1]: following Keine (2010), I take Impoverishment originally a post-syntactic operation of Distributed Morphology (Halle & Marantz, 1993) deleting certain features in certain contexts to apply in syntax; [A2]: following Keine & Müller (2008), I take Impoverishment to be scale-driven: markedness constraints penalising less likely feature-combinations, interact in an Optimality Theoretic fashion with a faithfulness constraint penalising the delition of the features involved. The markedness constraints are derived by the Harmonic Alignment and Local Conjunction of markedness-scales (Aissen, 2003; Silverstein, 1976); [A3]: crucially, I propose Agree by valuation to be made up of the two sub-operations COPY and CHECK. The former copies and transfers the goal s features onto the probe, the latter deletes uninterpretable features under feature-identity. Derivation Following [A3], the first step is the copying of the goal s interpretable features onto the probe, in order for CHECK to delete the uninterpretable feature under the feature-identity of goal and probe. The copying of certain features onto the probe may, however, following [A1]-[A2], feed Impoverishment: in short, Impoverishment of the copied features on the probe applies whenever the markedness constraint prohibiting the given featurecombination on the probe is ranked higher than the faithfulness constraint protecting the probe from feature deletion. Whenever this is the case, the copied features are deleted. Consequently, if the feature-identity between probe and goal may no longer be established, CHECK is bled, leading to ungram- AG6 181

201 Haus 6, Raum S18 maticality, cf. (2-a) vs. (2-b). (2) a. COPY feeds Impoverishment bleeds CHECK ungrammaticality b. COPY feeds CHECK = grammaticality On Accelerating and Decelerating Movement: A Case Study in Harmonic Serialism Fabian Heck and Gereon Müller / U. Leipzig AG6 Standard derivations in feature based theories (such as in the minimalist programm) frequently encounter indeterminisms concerning the application of elementary rules/operations such as Move, Agree, Merge, etc. A standard way in the minimalist programm of resolving them is by assuming inherent preferences, the most prominent among them being the preference Merge before Move. While Merge before Move is a transderivational constraint, requiring competition between derivations, one may argue that it does not necessarily require violability. The reason is that if the constraint in question does not require application of Merge or Move as such (but rather filling of some specifier), then it can be fulfilled by either Merge or by Move (basically because Move comprises Merge). There are, however, also indeterminisms between operations that apply to fulfill different constraints, for instance Agree vs. Merge. For those, it seems clear that either the condition that requires Agree must be procrastinated in favor of the one that requires Merge or the other way round, given that constraints on certain elements (such as features) must be fulfilled immediately, once the elements are introduced into the derivation. Procrastination, in turn, presupposes violability and thus suggests an optimality theoretic account. In our talk, we will exemplify this by an analysis of the ban against movement of ergative arguments in certain languages (Assmann, Georgi, Heck, Müller, Weisser 2012), building on the local optimization analysis of ergative type vs. the accusative type aligment systems presented in Heck & Müller (2007). While it is, in principle, possible to rephrase an unviolable constraint in such a way as to achieve the effects of the interaction of two violable constraints, such a move can be argued to be unattractive, on conceptual grounds. In our talk, we suggest that the conceptual burden may be bigger than previously thought, namely if there are particular contexts where the standard preference holding between Agree and Merge seems to change in favor of 182

202 Haus 6, Raum S18 the one that is usually procrastinated. In optimality theory, such a state of affairs can be accounted for by assuming a higher ranked constraint that brings about the change. A theory that mimics violability and constraint interaction by writing the interaction into one single constraint, however, then requires further elaboration of this constraint. AG6 183

203 [[Z 176]] Recently published paperbacks Dizionario Combinatorio Compatto Italiano A cura di Vincenzo Lo Cascio ItalNed Foundation / University of Amsterdam The Dizionario Combinatorio Compatto Italiano designed and edited by Vincenzo Lo Cascio is the first systematic work of this type dedicated to the Italian language. Its scope, the richness of data, the finesse of the entry layout and the overall reliability of the result make it an invaluable resource for anyone having to do with Italian: speakers, writers, researchers, teachers. The huge experience of Lo Cascio in lexicography is an added value for users. Prof. Raffaele Simone, Università Roma Tre xxvi, 642 pp. Pb EUR / USD Language Documentation Practice and values Edited by Lenore A. Grenoble and N. Louanna Furbee University of Chicago / University of Missouri, Columbia Here is abundance, coming at just the right time. The drive to document languages is a new pressing imperative for linguists, but a dense thicket of issues intellectual, practical, social, ethical threaten to frustrate their attempts to fulfill it. This book points out the hazards, and charts a path through them, combining focused position papers with the revealing experiences of dozens of practitioners. Nicholas Ostler, Foundation for Endangered Languages xviii, 340 pp. Pb EUR / USD Dutch for Reading Knowledge Christine van Baalen, Frans R.E. Blom and Inez Hollander EuroCollege University of Applied Sciences, Rotterdam/ University of Amsterdam / University of California, Berkeley As economies globalize, there is a growing need for good translators and for the development of translation as its own discipline within the Dutch language programs around the world. Up until now, there was no book to assist teachers and learners in training translation skills. With the first textbook written specifically for Dutch for Reading Knowledge, Inez Hollander, Frans Blom and Christine van Baalen have filled a huge gap in the market. Suitable for self study as well as the classroom, this book comes just at the right time. Jenneke Oosterhoff, University of Minnesota xv, 247 pp. Pb EUR / USD An Introduction to Linguistic Typology Viveka Velupillai University of Giessen Because of its scope, detail of presentation and inclusion of recent data, the work would be a most welcome addition to general publications on typology. [ ] The inclusion of sign language in the discussion is highly welcome. There is also an informative chapter on methodological issues in typology. Frank Lichtenberk, University of Auckland xxii, 517 pp. Pb EUR / USD JOHN BENJAMINS PUBLISHING COMPANY

204 Arbeitsgruppe 7 Usage-Based Approaches to Morphology Amir Zeldes Anke Lüdeling Workshop description In the past years usage-based models have made substantial contributions to our understanding of the inner workings of grammar and the mental lexicon, especially as they apply to syntax and argument structure (e.g. Goldberg 2006). More recently, the same theoretical mechanisms have been applied specifically to the study of morphology (cf. Booij 2010), shedding new light on familiar problems and offering unified accounts of seemingly disparate phenomena which open up new research areas and questions about learnability, lexicalization, the nature of productive morphology and the structure of the lexicon. This working group will focus on usage-based accounts of morphological phenomena, both synchronic and diachronic, using a wide range of methodologies focusing on empirical evidence such as corpus studies, psycholinguistic experiments, eye tracking and reading studies, grammaticality judgment tasks and more. The relation between I-language and E-language in morphological theory: A constructionist perspective. Geert Booij / U. Leiden Mittwoch, 13.3., 14:30 15:30 A traditional assumption of generative morphology is that the morphological module has the task to define the notion possible word of language L. The morphologist does not have to be concerned about the actual lexicon, AG 7 185

205 Haus 6, Raum S27 the repository of the unlawful. In other words, the morphologist should deal primarily with I-language, not with E-language. In a Construction Morphology approach to lexical and morphological knowledge, on the other hand, the lexicon and its contents are the basic source of knowledge from which morphological regularities are deduced. Thus, this approach does not accept a sharp boundary between I-language and E-language, and is usage-based. In my talk, I will present a number of arguments for why a usage-based approach to morphological knowledge is on the right track. The basic consideration will be that Construction Morphology allows for graceful integration of the various types of evidence that we have for the structure of the lexicon and the nature of lexical knowledge: productivity phenomena, morphological change (including the rise of affixes), the nature of the mental lexicon and the storage of complex words, the blurred boundary between the role of paradigmatic relationships in the coinage of new words, variation in morphological competence between speakers of the same language, and the simultaneous existence of schemas and subschemas. This approach to lexical knowledge raises interesting questions as well about the psychological reality of schemas and subschemas, and about the relationship between the notions rule and analogy, which I hope to address in my talk. Phrasal vs. compound structure building: two separate cognitive routes? Holden Härtl and Sven Kotowski / U. Kassel Mittwoch, 13.3., 15:30 16:00 AG 7 Theories of complex structure building that question the traditional division between syntax and morphology (cf., e.g., Booij 2009; Lieber 1992) are challenged to account for interpretational as well as functional differences between phrasal and morphological constructs such as compounds. For example, compounds have been argued to be better compatible with kind readings than phrases in German (cf. Der Auslandsstudent /??Student aus dem Ausland ist für gewöhnlich sehr fleißig), see Kotowski et al. (2013); Bücking (2010). Novel compounds seem generally more prone to featuring as lexicalized names than corresponding phrases, whose internal compositional semantics typically allows for descriptive rather than appellative readings, cf. Gunkel & Zifonun (2009). It is unclear, however, if we have to call upon a separate morphological component to account for the special linguistic status of complex words. 186

206 Haus 6, Raum S27 Surprisingly, only few studies have addressed this issue from a cognitively oriented perspective, focusing on processing aspects. In this paper, we will report on a series of experimental studies we conducted to disentangle cognitive reflexes in the treatment of morphological and phrasal constructs. The first study is a picture label memorization experiment, in which we show that novel German adjective-noun (AN) compounds like Kurzsäge ( short_saw ) display a stronger memorization effect than corresponding AN-phrases: While unlearned compounds took significantly longer to decide upon as correct or incorrect labels for presented pictures than unlearned phrases, this effect disappeared for learned compounds in comparison to learned phrases. The result was replicated in a reading time study, in which an identical effect for novel compounds vs. phrases was detected in complex sentential contexts. Since novel compounds exhibit a higher degree of linguistic markedness, we hypothesized that they must also be more salient in discourse in comparison to their phrasal counterparts, see Kotowski et al We tested this in a questionnaire study in which participants were asked to complete because-sentences subordinated to main clauses containing stimulus-subject verbs (frustrate, frighten etc.), i.e., verbs of implicit causality (cf. Härtl 2008) as in Der Rotpinsel frustriert Maria, weil er / sie.... The results confirmed our hypothesis that - indicated by the choice of the pronoun - causal attributions to the stimulus role (here: der Rotpinsel the red_brush ) were even higher if it was realized with a novel compound. Finally, we conducted another questionnaire study in which we used contradictory AAN combinations, e.g., schmale Breitstraße ( narrow wide_street ), where compound expressions proved to be significantly more acceptable than corresponding phrases; an effect we currently attribute to the affinity of compounds to more easily figure as kind names. While our overall results are compatible with a separation approach towards morphological structure building, alternative interpretations of the above effects need to be taken very seriously. Difficulties in processing novel compounds, for example, could also be attributed to their status as unknown complex items. We will discuss how the implications of alternative explanations may be dealt with such that they might actually contribute to the modeling of the boundary between phrase-producing and compound-producing routes of the language system. AG 7 187

207 Haus 6, Raum S27 AG 7 Synchronic and diachronic analogy in suffix rivalry: the case of -ity and -ness in English Sabine Arndt-Lappe / U. Düsseldorf Mittwoch, 13.3., 16:30 17:00 Rivalry between the two nominalising suffixes ity and ness has long been an issue in the literature on English word-formation. Both regularly attach to adjectival bases, producing (mostly) synonymous meanings (cf. e.g. Riddle, 1985, Plag, 2003, Baeskow, 2012). The empirical fact that has posed a challenge to researchers, however, is that the distribution of the two suffixes is neither complementary nor fully random. For example, both ity and ness can attach to morphologically simplex adjectival bases and to bases involving Latinate suffixes (e.g. connect-able < connect-abil-ity, accept-able < acceptable-ness). However, only ness can combine with complex adjectival bases involving Germanic suffixes (e.g. excit-ing < excit-ing-ness). Furthermore, for many types of bases where, in principle, both ity and ness can attach, there are clear preferences (e.g. bases ending in able are more likely to combine with ity than with ness). Most standard accounts assume that stronger restrictiveness of ity is an effect of ity being less productive than ness, and that the observed preferences are an effect of selectional restrictions imposed on bases and/or suffixes. In the present paper I present a statistical analysis and computational simulation of an analogical model (using the AM algorithm, Skousen & Stanford, 2007) of the distribution of ity and ness in a corpus comprising some 1,500 neologisms from the Oxford English Dictionary from three different centuries (the 18th, 19th, and 20th century). Statistical analysis of the OED data in general confirms earlier proposals, but also reveals that the situation is more complex than previous accounts would have it. Crucially, we diachronically see a consistent migration of adjectival suffixes that have taken ness in previous times towards preferring -ity in the more modern data. Computational modelling with AM shows that the variation can convincingly be simulated solely on the basis of the phonological makeup of the final two syllables of the base of suffixation. This is true for experiments modelling the synchronic distribution on the basis of 20th century data as well as for experiments in which diachronic development is modelled by using earlier data as a basis to predict the distribution in a later century. Detailed analysis of the AM models reveals that, intriguingly, AM manages to adequately predict the observed diachronic migration of complex adjectival bases 188

208 Haus 6, Raum S27 towards ity preference. This suggests, then, that it is an effect of changes in the distribution of relevant exemplars in the lexicon at the time. References Baeskow, H. (2012). -Ness and -ity: Phonological exponents of N or meaningful nominalizers of different adjectival domains? Journal of English Linguistics, 40(1), Plag, I. (2003). Word-Formation in English. Cambridge: CUP. Riddle, E. M. (1985). A historical perspective on the productivity of the suffixes -ness and -ity. In J. Fisiak (Ed.), Trends in linguistics. Studies and monographs: Vol. 29. Historical Semantics - Historical Word-Formation (pp ). Berlin et al.: Mouton de Gruyter. Skousen, R., & Stanford, T. (2007). AM:: Parallel: available from How usage variables affect the relationship between derivatives and their bases: An fmri masked priming study Alice Blumenthal-Dramé / Freiburg U. Mittwoch, 13.3., 17:00 17:30 This talk will present the results of two neuroimaging experiments exploring how different usage variables affect the relationship between English bimorphemic derivatives and their bases. Both experiments make use of a parametric fmri design in combination with regression analyses on response times in masked visual priming with lexical decision. The first experiment represents a classical stem-priming paradigm and involves whole-to-part (i.e., derivative-to-stem) priming (e.g., gauntness - GAUNT). The second experiment reverses this order of presentation, thus yielding part-to-whole priming (e.g., pale - PALENESS). The main focus of my talk will be on a predictor which emerged as significant in both experiments and which has attracted little scholarly attention so far, namely the NUMBER OF PHONOGRAPHIC NEIGHBOURS OF THE BASE. This variable refers to the number of words which differ from the base morpheme in both one phoneme and one letter (e.g., fate and date) (Adelman & Brown 2007). It will be shown that in whole-to-part priming, a higher number of PHO- NOGRAPHIC NEIGHBOURS goes along with stronger neural and behavioural priming, i.e. lower response times and weaker neural activity. Exactly the opposite pattern is found in part-to-whole priming, where a higher number of PHONOGRAPHIC NEIGHBOURS correlates with weaker neural and AG 7 189

209 Haus 6, Raum S27 behavioural priming. How can we account for these asymmetric priming relationships? Items living in a dense neighbourhood require enhanced perceptual effort to be distinguished from their competitors. For example, fate in fateful will phonographically compete with faze, sate, fete, bate, pate, fade, mate, fame, fake, gate, hate, late, face, rate and date. By contrast, change in changeful will not receive any extra attention, since the identity of this constituent is not challenged by any phonographic neighbour. It will be argued that increased phonographic competition at a sub-lexical level strengthens the salience and autonomy of the relevant constituent and that derivatives featuring salient sub-constituents will be less entrenched, leading to the results observed in the priming experiments. In the light of the neuroimaging data, it will be suggested that these results are best accounted for in terms of an associative memory network which can be described as a structured inventory of interconnected exemplars of language use and abstractions over them (cf. Bybee 2010; Hay & Baayen 2005). The talk will conclude by discussing the interplay of PHONOGRAPHIC NEIGH- BOURHOOD with some other usage variables which have been claimed to play a role in modulating entrenchment. References Adelman, J. S., & Brown, G. D. A. (2007). Phonographic neighbors, not orthographic neighbors, determine word naming latencies. Psychonomic Bulletin & Review, 14, Blumenthal-Dramé, Alice Entrenchment in Usage- Based Theories: What Corpus Data Do and Do not Reveal about the Mind. Berlin: de Gruyter Mouton. Bybee, J. (2010). Language, Usage and Cognition. Cambridge: CUP. Hay, J. B., & Baayen, R. H. (2005). Shifting paradigms: gradient structure in morphology. Trends in Cognitive Sciences, 9(7), AG 7 The L2-Acquisition of the German Plural - Evidence for Usage Based Models of Language Acquisition Klaus-Michael Köpcke and Verena Wecker Mittwoch, 13.3., 17:30 18:00 Plural in German is a complex grammatical system, as there are at least five forms that mark plurality on the noun: -s, -(e)n, (Umlaut +) -e, (Umlaut +) -ø, (Umlaut +) -er. The mapping of plural marker and noun can be stated linguistically by rules that have a rather limited validity (cf. Mugdan, 1977, among others). The main question of our talk is: How do children with Turkish or Russian as first language acquire this complex system? We will present results 190

210 Haus 6, Raum S27 of a nonce word experiment in which we elicited plural forms. The experiment was carried out with 65 children at the age of six to ten with Turkish or Russian as first language respectively. The results revealed two theoretically important facts: First, the children reduce the variety of plural forms and focus on the forms that have the strongest cue strength, which is determined by the saliency, frequency, and cue validity factors (cf. Köpcke, 1993, 1998). Second, the children s plural formations in the experiment show that they use two strategies: On the one hand, in particular at later acquisitional stages, children seem to follow the regularities of the system to form a plural on the basis of the given singular. This behavior is predicted by models that are in the tradition of item-and-process. On the other hand, at all levels of acquisition a good portion of the results cannot be explained by an itemand-process approach. In these cases, the children seem to form the plural in accordance with abstract patterns that resemble typical plural schemata in German. Taking this into consideration, we will favor a schema- or usagebased morphological model (cf. Bybee, 1985, 2010, Köpcke, 1998). We thus propose that the acquisition process is driven by the abstraction of schemata that emerge on the basis of concrete word forms. The holistic and morphologically not analyzed schemata are then mapped onto the functions of plural and singular. References Bybee, J. (1985). Morphology. A Study of the Relation between Meaning and Form. Amsterdam: Benjamins. Bybee, J. (2010). Language, Usage and Cognition. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Köpcke, K.-M. (1993). Schemata bei der Pluralbildung im Deutschen. Versuch einer kognitiven Morphologie. Tübingen: Narr. Köpcke, K.-M. (1998). The Acquisition of Plural Marking in English and German Revisited. Journal of Child Language 25, Mugdan, J. (1977). Flexionsmorphologie und Psycholinguistik. Untersuchungen zu sprachlichen Regeln und ihrer Beherrschung durch Aphatiker, Kinder und Ausländer, am Beispiel der deutschen Substantivdeklination. Tübingen: Narr. Does skewed input facilitate the incidental acquisition of a morphosyntactic construction by instructed adult second language learners? Karin Madlener / U. Freiburg AG 7 191

211 Haus 6, Raum S27 Mittwoch, 13.3., 18:00 18:30 AG 7 In constructionist usage-based approaches to language acquisition, skewed input has been argued to facilitate learning (Bybee, 2008; Ellis, 2009; Goldberg, 2006) or even to be one of the essential design features of human language and a crucial prerequisite for linguistic categorization and learnability (Taylor, 2012). Within skewed input, surface similarity (repetition) in the highly frequent/salient central exemplar(s) is taken to raise learner s awareness of the construction and to allow for initial entrenchment, pattern detection and form-meaning mapping, i.e. vertical generalization (Goldberg, 2006; Johnson & Goldberg, in prep.; Taylor, 2012). The occurrence of further low-frequency exemplars, i.e. type variation, is argued to provide the necessary evidence for the generalizability of the schema and its extensibility to new items, i.e. horizontal generalization (ibid.). Up to now, beneficial effects of skewed input have mainly been demonstrated for artificial grammar learning contexts (e.g. Goldberg & Casenhiser, 2008). The present research project tested this claim empirically for the case of adult second language acquisition. The basic research question is: What are the effects of skewed type-token ratios in the input on the incidental acquisition of a partially productive morphosyntactic construction by instructed adult learners of German as a foreign language under implicit focus on form conditions? Two-week training studies were conducted in regular classrooms. Learners (n = 96) received daily meaning-focused listening comprehension training with texts that were flooded with an exemplary target construction (75 exemplars). Treatment groups texts differed with respect to overall type frequencies of the target construction (9, 25, 50 types) and type-token ratios (balanced, skewed). As a show-case, the German sein + present participle construction was chosen, e.g. Der Film war total spannend [The movie was very exciting], which is restricted to the class of so-called causative psychological verbs like fascinate, disappoint and worry (Möller, 2007; Rapp, 1997). Learning was measured in a pre-mid-posttest design (days 1, 8, 15) through different production tasks and acceptability ratings. During the time of training and testing, the target construction was not brought to the learners attention, let alone explained explicitly. Quantitative and qualitative data analysis showed that, as expected, skewed input affected learning. It did so as a function of input type frequencies (overall variation) and prior knowledge. With learners who displayed minimal prior target knowledge at pretest, skewed input triggered further acquisition consistently, i.e. independently of overall input type frequencies. Learners 192

212 Haus 6, Raum S27 without any prior target knowledge, in contrast, displayed very high levels of incidental acquisition only when exposed to skewed input featuring a fair amount of overall variation (25 different target types). Faced with skewed low type frequency input (9 different types), learners without prior target knowledge did apparently not notice resp. abstract any pattern approaching the target construction, while learners in the corresponding balanced low type frequency condition did much better in terms of acquisition. Skewed input can thus not be taken to facilitate incidental adult second language learning across the board, but pushes or rather retards acquisition depending on learner characteristics and other input-related variables. References Bybee, J. (2008). Usage-based Grammar and Second Language Acquisition. In P. Robinson & N. C. Ellis (Eds.), Handbook of Cognitive Linguistics and Second Language Acquisition (pp ). New York: Routledge. Ellis, N. C. (2009). Optimizing the Input: Frequency and Sampling in Usage-Based and Form- Focused Learning. In M. Long & C. Doughty (Eds.), The Handbook of Language Teaching (pp ): Wiley-Blackwell. Goldberg, A. E. (2006). Constructions at Work. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Goldberg, A. E., & Casenhiser, D. (2008). Construction Learning and Second Language Acquisition. In P. Robinson & N. C. Ellis (Eds.), Handbook of Cognitive Linguistics and Second Language Acquisition (pp ). New York, London: Routledge. Johnson, M. A., & Goldberg, A. E. (in prep.). Concrete similarity among exemplars facilitates the initial implicit learning of a constrained category. Möller, M. (2007). Psychische Wirkungsverben des Deutschen. Deutsch als Fremdsprache, 44(1), Rapp, I. (1997). Partizipien und semantische Struktur: Zu passivischen Konstruktionen mit dem 3. Status. Tübingen: Stauffenburg. Taylor, J. R. (2012). The Mental Corpus. How Language is represented in the mind. Oxford: Oxford University Press. A quantitative corpus-linguistic perspective on usage-based morphology Stefan Th. Gries / U. of California, Santa Barbara Donnerstag, 14.3., 09:00 10:00 The last 30 or so years have witnessed two related methodological developments in linguistics: On the one hand, corpus-linguistic methods have become widely accepted as an alternative to armchair linguistics and experimental approaches. On the other hand, statistical tools are now more and more frequent in virtually all areas of linguistics. Morphology is no exception to these AG 7 193

213 Haus 6, Raum S27 AG 7 trends and there is now a large and ever-growing body of research that adopts a usage-based perspective on morphology. In this talk I will adopt the same perspective and discuss several case studies which are concerned with the ways in which statistical tools helps discover and describe how the conscious perception of similarity and application of creative play affect (i) the emergence of multi-word / complex lexical items; (ii) the emergence of simple lexical items; (iii) the emergence of new orthographic representations of words. As for (i), in previous work I discussed the apparently hitherto unnoticed fact that some multi-word lexical items exhibit phonological similarity effects in the shape of alliterations. Specifically, verbs and head nouns in English V-NP idioms (e.g., bite the bullet or run the risk) and in the wayconstruction (e.g., weave your way through the crowd) have a tendency to begin with the same phoneme that is significantly larger than different kinds of baselines. In this talk, I want to go beyond the two types of complex lexical items/constructions as well as go beyond the first somewhat simplistic study of initial phonemes. In particular, I will increase the inventory of items studied by including prefabs and proverbs, and I will increase the scope of the possible ways in which similarity is measured to onset clusters, stress patterns, and the finer resolution of articulatory features (which will help see the similarity of /bait/ and /d2st/ in bite the dust). As for (ii), the past few years have seen a growing interest in the formation of blends such as brunch, motel, etc. As a result, there is now quite some awareness of how the similarity of words to each other as well as the similarity of source words to blends (which give rise to the recognizability and funniness of a blend) affect blend formation. In this talk, I want to again propose ways of extending the range of dimensions of similarity that have been studied. First, a simple proposal is to extend Levenshtein s string edit distance to treat different phonemes as identical (most pertinently, /I/ and Second, changing the usual resolution from phonemes to segments and articulatory features will allow us to better zoom in on which level of linguistic analysis blend coiners attend to. (Ideally, experimental work would be added to this picture.) As for (iii), I want to discuss two examples that show how speakers/writers orthographic representations of words can be subtly but statistically noticeably be influenced by the perceived cool-/hipness of words and their pronunciation. All three case studies will highlight how the application and combination of different types of statistical techniques and baselines to data (from collec- 194

214 Haus 6, Raum S27 ted example sets and corpora) can help us uncover characteristics of conscious formations that are not always at the center of morphological analysis and that are otherwise easy to miss. Phonological variability in English blends Sabine Arndt-Lappe and Ingo Plag / U. Düsseldorf Donnerstag, 14.3., 10:00 10:30 In spite of a number of studies in this domain blending remains a somewhat enigmatic prosodic-morphological process. Examples of English blends are given in (1). (1) blend base word 1 base word 2 brunch breakfast lunch stagflation stagnation inflation smog smoke fog The pertinent literature is strongly divided over the issue of how predictable the structural properties of blends are. Whereas the traditional descriptive literature has tended to stress the variability and, hence, unpredictability of the process there is a growing number of studies that has postulated constraints on variability (e.g. Kubozono 1990, Plag 2003, Gries 2004, Bat-El & Cohen to appear). These constraints pertain to the questions of how many and which segments of the base words survive, when and how segmental overlaps occur, where switchpoints between word 1 and word 2 can be located with non-overlapping forms, and how stress and length determine the prosodic and segmental shape of the output. It is, however, largely unclear, how the phonological variability is principally restricted. Part of the problem is methodological. Existing studies generalize over existing, mostly lexicalised blends, and variability is investigated across types, not within types. The aim of the present paper is to remedy this situation, presenting the results of a production experiment with more than 1,700 observations, in which 30 native speakers of English formed blends on the basis of 60 word pairs which systematically elicited specific constellations of structures. In this paper we analyze (mainly) two areas of variation as against non-variation, the switchpoint between word 1 and word 2 and the stress pattern of the resulting blend, and the connection between the two. It turns out that in general, blend structure is surprisingly uniform in terms of which portions of the base survive, the location of the switchpoints, and stress assignment to the blend. However, we also identified areas of systematic variability. In particular we show how variable and non-variable blend AG 7 195

215 Haus 6, Raum S27 stress and switchpoints are determined by the prosodic structure of the two bases. References Bat-El, Outi & Evan-Gary Cohen. to appear. Stress in English blends: A constraint-based approach. In Vincent Renner, François Maniez & Pierre J. L. Arnaud (eds.), Cross-disciplinary Perspectives on Lexical Blending. Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter. Gries, Stefan T Shouldn t it be breakfunch? A quantitative analysis of the structure of blends. Linguistics 3(42) Kubozono, Haruo Phonological constraints on blending in English as a case of phonology-morphology interface. In Geert Booij & Jaap van Marle (eds.), Yearbook of Morphology 1990, Dordrecht: Foris. Plag, Ingo Word-formation in English. Cambridge Textbooks in Linguistics. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. The phonetic implementation of morphological structure in spontaneous speech - The case of affixoids Pia Bergmann / U. of Freiburg Donnerstag, 14.3., 10:30 11:00 AG 7 The present study investigates acoustic-phonetic reductions in German complex words in spontaneous speech, with the main focus on the prefixoids Grund-, Haupt- and Nicht-. The investigated complex words have in common that they exhibit an internal prosodic word boundary, e.g. (Nicht)w(raucher)w ( non-smoker ). However, from a usage-based perspective, it is questionable whether all (affixoidal) word formations are necessarily separated into two prosodic words, and if they are, whether they differ systematically in their phonetic boundary strength. According to the signal redundancy hypothesis (Turk 2010), acoustic salience is inversely correlated with language redundancy, i.e. the more predictable a linguistic element, the less acoustically salient it will be. Likewise, frequency has been shown to be an influencing factor on acoustic salience in production and also in perception (cf. Bush 2001, Hay 2003, Pluymaekers 2005). Affixoids are of special interest here because the same affixoid usually occurs in highly familiar words like Hauptbahnhof ( main station ) as well as in ad-hoc formations like Hauptpastor ( main pastor ). Moreover, affixoids display characteristics of grammatical entities as well as of lexical entities. Since grammatical entities like function words show greater reduction than lexical entities, we expect the affixoids to be more reduced than their free lexical counterparts, but less reduced than prefixes. 196

216 Haus 6, Raum S27 The talk presents the results of an acoustic-phonetic corpus study of 400 tokens of affixoid formations with Grund-, Haupt-, Nicht-. These were compared to 250 tokens of prefixed words with ent- (e.g. entfernen remove ). For Grund-, the affixoid formations were additionally compared to occurrences of the free lexeme Grund ( ground or reason, n = 40). Accentuation and position in the intonation phrase were controlled for. The data were selected from three corpora of spontaneous speech (CallHome-Corpus, BigBrother-Corpus (1. Season), DFG- Dialekt-Intonationskorpus ). The investigated acousticphonetic parameters are categorical (t-deletion, burst, aspiration) and gradient (cluster duration, t-duration, duration of the boundary spanning sequence). All measurements were carried out in Praat (Boersma & Weenink 2012); statistical analysis was carried out with SPSS. The results show that absolute word frequency, word formation type (prefix vs. prefixoid) and morpho-syntactic structure (prefixoid vs. free lexeme) significantly influence the acoustic-phonetic reduction at the word juncture. The talk will discuss the results in detail and shed some light on the question of how morphological structure is phonetically implemented in naturally occurring speech. References Boersma, P. & Weenink, D. (2012) Praat: Doing phonetics by computer. [Computer program]. Version , retrieved 10 January 2012 from Bush, N. (2001) Frequency effects and word-boundary palatalization in English. In: J. Bybee & P. Hopper (eds.): Frequency and the emergence of linguistic structure. Amsterdam: John Benjamins, Hay, J. (2003) Causes and consequences of word structure. New York, London: Routledge Series. Pluymakers, M., M. Ernestus & H. Baayen Articulatory planning is continuous and sensitive to informational redundancy. Phonetica 62, Turk, A. (2010) Does prosodic constituency signal relative predictability? A smooth signal redundancy hypothesis. Laboratory phonology 1 (2), Compound stress, informativity and analogy Ingo Plag and Melanie J. Bell Donnerstag, 14.3., 11:30 12:30 It has long been claimed (e.g. Sweet 1892) that informativity has an influence on the leftward or rightward stress assigned to noun-noun combinations in English (e.g. táble cloth vs. kitchen sínk). However, the few available empirical studies of this hypothesis have provided contradictory findings. For AG 7 197

217 Haus 6, Raum S27 example, Plag & Kunter (2010) did not find the effect, but Bell & Plag (2012) did find it, using more sophisticated measures of informativity. The present paper tests the effect of informativity with a new set of data and, in contrast to the previous studies, also includes analogical factors that have been found elsewhere to have a strong influence on compound stress assignment (e.g. Plag 2010, Arndt-Lappe 2011). We investigate a large number of compounds taken from the Boston University Radio Speech Corpus. The informativity measures are based on a very large empirical foundation, and come from the Corpus of Contemporary American English and the semantic database WordNet. Furthermore, additional variables are coded that have previously been found to co-vary with compound stress assignment (i.e. semantics, length, spelling etc.), which allows for an analysis that can show whether informativity survives as an independent factor in the presence of other variables. In particular, it is interesting to see whether informativity survives if the strongest known predictor, analogy based on the left and right constituent nouns, is also included in the model. For the statistical analysis we use multiple mixed effects regression modeling. Our results replicate the informativity effects found in the two previous studies: the more informative the right-hand constituent, the more likely it is to be stressed (where informativity is measured in terms of predictability or semantic specificity). This result fits with the general propensity of speakers to accentuate important information, and our results can therefore be interpreted as further evidence for an accentual theory of compound stress (e.g. Kunter 2011). The results also raise the question of the relationship between informativity effects and the analogical constituent-identity effect. We find that each of the two factors does contribute to stress assignment. It is argued, however, that informativity is the more important of the two types of measure as it is best conceptualized as underlying other factors, including analogy based on constituent identity. AG 7 References Arndt-Lappe, S. (2011). Towards an exemplar-based model of English compound stress. Journal of Linguistics 47.3: Bell, M. J. and Plag, I. (2012). Informativeness is a determinant of compound stress in english. Journal of Linguistics. doi: /s Kunter, G. (2011). Compound stress in English. The phonetics and phonology of prosodic prominence. Mouton de Gruyter, Berlin. Plag, I. (2010). Compound stress assignment by analogy: The constituent family bias. Zeitschrift für Sprachwisenschaft, 29.2: Plag, I. and Kunter, G. (2010). Constituent family size and compound stress assignment in English. Linguistische 198

218 Haus 6, Raum S27 Berichte, Sonderheft 17: Sweet, H. (1892). A new English grammar: logical and historical. Pt. 1, Introduction, phonology and accidence. Oxford: Clarendon Press. Corpus-based universals research: Explaining asymmetries in number marking Martin Haspelmath Donnerstag, 14.3., 12:30 13:00 In this paper, I adopt a corpus-based approach, using data from a small number of languages, to explain a universal morphological pattern: the asymmetry of number marking that was first highlighted by Greenberg (1966: 31ff), such that singular tends to be coded by zero and plural by some overt affix or other marker. This procedure may seem surprising: Much more usually, corpus research is language-particular and restricts its conclusions to the language of the corpus. However, usage effects are not always immediately apparent, and they may be visible only by adopting a broad cross-linguistic perspective. Thus, the fact that English has feather for the singular but feather-s for the plural cannot be derived from any usage-based theory. Things could be different - for example, in Welsh, the singular plu-en feather has an overt marker that is missing in the plural plu feathers. However, there are cross-linguistic trends in the coding of singular and plural, and it can be argued that these are due to usage patterns that are general across languages. The most important trend is that overall, singulars tend to be zero-marked and plurals overtly marked, as in English (Corbett 2000). Exceptions to this macro-trend follow a trend of their own: Overt singulars as in Welsh plu-en are mostly found in nouns that are frequently used in the plural. Both trends can be attributed to the general usage preference to have short forms expressing frequent meanings. Such patterns arise over long time spans, and their usage-driven nature cannot be easily demonstrated. The explanatory mode is thus more similar to the practice of geology than to psychology: Since the explanation is plausible and there is no good alternative, there is no obstacle to adopting it (Dressler et al. s 2013 attempt to use markedness as an explanation can easily be shown to be insufficiently general). On the empirical side, the talk will present a comprehensive study of the exceptional trend, the overt singulars (singulatives) in a range of Slavic, Celtic, Semitic, Cushitic, Nilo-Saharan and Kadugli-Krongo languages. It AG 7 199

219 Haus 6, Raum S27 will be shown that the singulatives tend to fall into the same semantic classes across languages, and that these classes tend to have low-frequency singulars also in other languages. That significant numbers of singulatives are found only in a few families (some of which are concentrated in northeastern Africa) may seem surprising, but even though language contact may have played some role, it is far from sufficient to explain the striking similarities in number marking among these languages. On the theoretical side, I will discuss the nature of the corpus evidence that is required for such macroscopic usage-based explanations, as well as the possible mechanisms that result in the observed patterns (see also Haspelmath 2008). I will conclude that broadly cross-linguistic research is more relevant to usage-based studies than it might appear at first glance. Schema induction in usage-based morphophonology Vsevolod M. Kapatsinski Freitag, 15.3., 11:30 12:00 AG 7 We present the results of a series of experiments on the spontaneous acquisition of first-order/product-oriented schemas (Bybee 2001, Nesset 2008) or morphological constructions (Booij 2010) in a miniature artificial language paradigm. A computational model of first-order schema induction is developed based on conditional inference trees (Hothorn et al. 2006). The artificial languages feature two plural suffixes, -i and -a. The suffix -i always triggers palatalization (k ts, t ts or p ts). The languages differ in the presence or absence of examples of -i simply attaching to a stem that already ends in [ts]. In every experiment thus far, all with adult native English speakers and aural presentation of stimuli, presentation of such examples increases the likelihood that the participants will palatalize stops in words they have not heard during training. Thus presenting examples like SG-butS / PLbutSi increases the likelihood that the learner will produce the plural [mutsi] from a singular [muk], [mut], or [mup]. Note that if the learners were learning rules (changes in context), then buts/butsi would not provide support for muk/mutsi over muk/muki, since muts/mutsi and muk/mutsi do not share a change while muts/mutsi and muk/muki do. However, the results are expected if learners are inducing first-order schemas like plurals should end in [tsi] (Booij 2010, Bybee 2001, Nesset 2008), which is motivated by the fact that [tsi] is the most common plural-final bigram in these languages. 200

220 Haus 6, Raum S27 While the results provide strong support for first-order schemas, there is currently no computational model of schema induction. We implement schema induction via the ctree() function in R (Hothorn et al. 2006). This is one possible implementation of progressive differentiation (cf. Rogers & McClelland 2004), which is the principal claim of the present account for schema acquisition: as knowledge about forms with a certain meaning is acquired, generalizations about what such forms are like grow more specific. We propose that in deriving a novel wordform from a known form of the same word, schemas compete with perseveration on gestures comprising the known form. In our experiments, such perseveration commonly results in forms like buk buktsi and bup bupttsi, where the learner ends up with a plural that ends in [tsi] but still perseverates on the stem-final consonant. While schemas are weak and non-specific, the speaker is likely to level stem changes (buk buki, bup bupi). As schemas strengthen, growing in type frequency and specificity (... i become... tsi and then... VtSi), the schemas requiring stem changes come to be able to override perseveration on the known form, allowing stem changes to be produced (... i leads to buki,... tsi to buktsi and... VtSi to butsi). References Booij, G Construction morphology. Oxford University Press. Bybee, J Phonology and language use. Cambridge University Press. Hothorn, T., K. Hornik, & A. Zeileis Unbiased recursive partitioning: A conditional inference framework. Journal of Computational and Graphical Statistics, 15, Nesset, T Abstract phonology in a concrete model. Mouton de Gruyter. Rogers, T., & J. McClelland Semantic cognition: A PDP Approach. MIT Press. From prototypes to constructions: Inflectional alternations in German weak nouns Roland Schäfer / Freie U. Berlin Freitag, 15.3., 12:00 12:30 Most masculine nouns in German follow the strong inflectional pattern, where in the singular only the genitive is marked by -(e)s (eines Koffer-s of a suitcase ). However, a small class of nouns follows the weak pattern, where all singular case forms except for the nominative are marked by -(e)n (eines Bär-en of a bear ), cf. Eisenberg (2006, 158ff). Interestingly, some weak nouns drift towards the strong pattern (eines Bär-s), and some strong nouns have alternative weak forms (eines Autor-en). These alternations can partially AG 7 201

221 Haus 6, Raum S27 be explained by the marked morphological paradigm of the weak inflection (Thieroff, 2003). The analysis in Köpcke (1996), however, relies on semantic prototypes: Prototypical weak nouns denote humans or, secondarily, animate objects. (The weak class is still highly restricted, and many human-denoting nouns do not drift towards the weak inflectional pattern.) In this study, I reinterpret Köpcke s and Thieroff s findings and treat the weak pattern as a morphological construction associated with - among other things - a meaning component. I show how Collostructional Analysis (CA; Gries and Stefanowitsch, 2004; Stefanowitsch and Gries, 2003) can be used to model the degree to which different nouns are attracted by this specific construction, according to how well they fit the prototype. From the 9.1 gigatoken web corpus DECOW2012 (Schäfer and Bildhauer, 2012), I extracted all singular accusative, dative, and genitive indefinite noun phrases of the form [Det (Adj) N] which contain one of 534 noun stems. The 534 nouns are those which occurred at least once in a previously drawn random sample of 10,000 potentially weak nouns. Rankings of CA association strengths were generated for the accusative, dative, and genitive separately. The overall picture partially confirms the hypothesis that those nouns which follow the semantic prototype are more strongly associated with the weak construction. However, the picture is complicated by strong morphophonological constraints, which have also been discussed in the literature. There are also differences in association strength between the accusative-dative on the one hand and the genitive on the other hand. In the discussion, I consider more or less problematic correlation measures between ranks of nouns in the lists of collostruction strengths. I also discuss some problems and unintuitive results for single nouns which stem from the nature of CA and suggest multifactorial approaches to better model the diverse influences on the selection of the alternating constructions as future work. AG 7 References Eisenberg, P. (2006). Grundriss der deutschen Grammatik: Das Wort. Metzler, Stuttgart, 3 edition. Gries, S. T. and Stefanowitsch, A. (2004). Extending collostructional analysis. a corpus-based perspective on alternations. International Journal of Corpus Linguistics, 9(1): Köpcke, K.-M. (1996). Die Klassifikation der schwachen Maskulina in der deutschen Gegenwartssprache. Zeitschrift für Sprachwissenschaft, 14(2): Schäfer, R. and Bildhauer, F. (2012). Building large corpora from the web using a new efficient tool chain. In Calzolari, N. et al., editors, Proceedings of LREC 12, pages , Istanbul. ELRA. Stefanowitsch, A. and Gries, S. T. (2003). Collostructions: Investigating the interaction between words and constructions. International Journal of Corpus Linguistics, 8(2): Thier- 202

222 Haus 6, Raum S27 off, R. (2003). Die Bedienung des Automatens durch den Mensch. Deklination der schwachen Maskulina als Zweifelsfall. Linguistik Online, 16(4): Children s ability to learn novel morphological constructions from the input Anne-Kristin Cordes Freitag, 15.3., 12:30 13:30 Usage-based, constructionist accounts of language acquisition hold that children learn language, which is construed as an inventory of constructions (i.e., form-meaning pairs), from their input (Tomasello, 2003; Goldberg, 2006). In support of this assumption, Casenhiser and Goldberg (2005) and Boyd and Goldberg (2011) presented first experimental evidence that English-speaking children from 5 years of age are able to learn completely novel, invented constructions in an experimental setting. Research on such novel constructions is, however, limited to abstract word order constructions and the structures the novel constructions were based on were familiar to the children. Children were thus unfamiliar with the particular novel pairing of form and meaning that was used, but they did know other word orders that carry meaning in their language, e.g., the ditransitive. The present study was concerned with novel construction learning in the area of morphology. Two constructions were explored. The first one was also based on a familiar structure, whereas the second one was more genuinely novel. Previous research was further extended by the investigation of a broader age range and two different languages. One hundred and sixty German-speaking and ninety-six English-speaking children between 3 and 8 were trained on one of two novel morphological constructions. A novel prefix va[verb] pretend to verb (e.g., vadrink/ vatrinken pretend to drink ) and a novel reduplication with the same meaning [ve][verb] (e.g., dridrink/ tritrinken pretend to drink ) were used. During training, children watched video clips of different actions, which were paired with audio descriptions using the novel construction. Learning was assessed by an act-out, a forced-choice and a production task. Performance in all three tasks revealed that both German-speaking and English-speaking children were able to learn either of the two novel constructions. The degree of learning in terms of memorized and generalized instances of the novel construction increased with age and with the number of examples children had heard (tokens/ types). The novel prefix proved to be easier to learn than the novel reduplication. AG 7 203

223 Haus 6, Raum S27 The present study extends previous novel construction learning research to the area of derivational morphology and to a language other than English. German-speaking and English-speaking children from a very young age were shown to be able to learn a novel construction that was based on a familiar pattern, i.e., the derivational verb prefix pattern, which is present in both German and English. In addition, evidence was presented for children s ability to learn a more genuinely novel construction that is notably absent from their respective native language, i.e., a verb-initial reduplication. The finding that the novel prefix construction was easier to learn than the novel reduplication might go back to this difference in familiarity with the underlying pattern. However, further research is necessary to determine whether additional differences, such as the degree of similarity between instances of the novel construction, were responsible for the effect. Learning of either novel construction was facilitated by higher input frequencies. These findings from the area of morphology thus provide strong evidence for the usage-based assumption of input-based language learning. References Boyd, J.K., & Goldberg, A.E. (2011). Young children fail to fully generalize a novel argument structure construction when exposed to the same input as older learners. Journal of Child Language, 22, Casenhiser, D., & Goldberg, A.E. (2005). Fast mapping between a phrasal form and meaning. Developmental Science, 8, Goldberg, A.E. (2006). Constructions at work: The nature of generalization in language. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Tomasello, M. (2003). Constructing a language: A usage-based theory of language acquisition. Cambridge: Harvard University Press. AG 7 204

224 AG8 Arbeitsgruppe 8 Linguistic Foundations of Narration in Spoken and Sign Languages Annika Hübl Markus Steinbach See the abstract for the talk by the organizers below. Workshop description Narration across modalities Annika Hübl and Markus Steinbach / U. Göttingen Mittwoch, 13.3., 14:00 14:30 For a considerable time, linguists have not only investigated sentences as largest relevant unit of language, but have begun to analyze the structure of whole texts. Recently, these efforts have produced powerful frameworks, such as (S)DRT, Centering Theory, Accessibility Theory and studies concerning the QUD/Quaestio to name but a few. Nevertheless, there is still a lack of studies that apply these frameworks to fictional narrative texts. Even so, there are a number of elaborated studies within theoretical linguistics that deal with typical narrative phenomena (see, for instance, the discussion on free indirect discourse in the works of Schlenker 2004, Eckardt 2011, and Maier 2012 among others). Moreover, there are more and more experimental studies investigating text phenomena in general and literary texts in particular (see e.g. Bortolussi/Dixon 2003, Burkhardt 2006). Another important aspect in this field is the fact that narrative structures in sign languages are increasingly investigated on a formally high level. E.g. work on role shift and constructed 205

225 Haus 6, Raum S21 AG8 action which are the strategies of presenting somebody s speech, thought and action in sign languages has yielded interesting parallels with free indirect discourse and mixed quotation in spoken languages (see Quer 2005, 2011 and Herrmann/Steinbach 2012 among others). Hence, linguistics can contribute to the study of narratives in at least four ways: in drawing on well-elaborated formal frameworks to analyze literary texts and determine partly vague intuitions about narratological concepts. in applying empirical and experimental methods to narratives in order to establish a valid empirical basis that can be used to verify or falsify theoretical assumptions. in investigating narratives from a typological broader perspective including strategies and structures used in different (non-western) languages. in analyzing texts from a cross-modal perspective and relating sign language data to theoretical and empirical findings in spoken languages. What s a narration? A linguistic perspective on a basic narratological concept Sonja Zeman / U. München Mittwoch, 13.3., 14:30 15:00 Despite the increasing interest in textual phenomena and narrative structure, the very concept of narration so far has not been an issue of theoretical concern within linguistics and is rather used than defined or problematized. In this respect, the present paper aims at a deeper understanding of narration by matching the linguistic micro-with the macro-level: Bringing together the distinction between Context of Utterance vs. Context of Thought (Schlenker 2004) and the concept of deictic double displacement grounding on Bühler, we argue that the grammatical differentiation between speaker vs. observer is reflected in a double-layered structure of discourse and is represented in a recursive manner on the macro-level within the distinction of narrator vs. character. While this is being obvious in phenomena as Free Indirect Discourse (FID) and Historical Present (HP), where both levels differ from each other, it is shown that the double structure does indeed pervade the whole discourse. Furthermore, it is made clear by means 206

226 Haus 6, Raum S21 of a detailed analysis of de re vs. de dicto -phenomena that the hierarchical difference within the dichotomic structure sets the basis for the establishment of an evaluative level on the micro-(and macro-)level of narration as an additional relevant precondition of narrative discourse. Against this background, the micro-analysis is able to refine vague intuitions of narratological concepts like focalization and point of view: Taking into account a Theory of Mind it is argued in this respect that phenomena of focalization ought to be analyzed analogous to recursive embeddings of epistemological levels of intentionality, i.e. hierarchical relations of mental states as a basis of metarepresentational thinking. AG8 Narration in (spoken) political discourse Anita Fetzer / U. Augsburg Mittwoch, 13.3., 15:00-15:30 This paper examines the genre-specific distribution and linguistic realization of discourse relations in the discourse genre small story embedded in spoken political discourse, paying particular attention to their overt and nonovert marking in adjacent and non-adjacent positioning. It also addresses the question of how small stories are delimited from their embedding discourse, and whether the genre at hand is composed of genre-specific coordinating and subordinating discourse relations, e.g. Narration and Contrast, and Elaboration, Explanation and Background. The methodological framework is an integrated one, supplementing the Segmented-Discourse-Representation-based definition of discourse relation with Systemic-Functional-Grammar-based thematic progression and its constituent, the Theme zone. Narratives have been investigated in different research paradigms, and all of them have based their analyses on its original definition, according to which a narrative needs to contain a reference to a single past event introduced by a verbal phrase realized in a past tense and a raison d être. The past event needs to be anchored to a personal experience, which is seen as reportable and tellable, and the temporal sequence of events needs to be realized in at least two narrative clauses. That definition may be refined by the explicit accommodation of discourse relation and the linguistic representation of the Theme zone: Temporal sequence of events and narrative clauses seem to be prime candidates qualifying for (1) a marked realization of the Theme zone, and (2) the discourse relation of Narration, viz. a relation holding between 207

227 Haus 6, Raum S21 AG8 two utterances p1 and p2, sharing a common topic, and displaying temporal succession Raison d être may qualify for (1) a Theme zone containing textual themes, and (2) the discourse relation of Explanation with p2 offering the reason for p1 or a part of p1, and p2 being temporally included in p1. The reportable and tellable personal experience is a prime candidate for (1) a Theme zone containing interpersonal themes, and (2) the discourse relations of Background and Elaboration, the latter defined as a relation holding between p1 and p2 with p2 which offers additional information about one of the referents in p1. There is no temporal sequence between p1 and p2, rather, p2 is temporally included in p1. The explicit accommodation of Theme zone and discourse relation to a definition of discourse genre and to its delimitation from embedding discourse and context will refine theories of discourse and make them more applicable to data and corpora. Prospectivity in Discourse Svetlana Petrova / U. Wuppertal Mittwoch, 13.3., 15:30 16:00 The choice between representatives of different classes of anaphoric expressions, such as personal pronouns, demonstrative pronouns and lexical DPs, has been linked to a series of properties that reflect the status of the antecedent in the previous discourse, e.g. grammatical function, givenness, definiteness and topicality (Ariel 2001, Bosch and Umbach 2007). But researchers like Garnham and Cowles (2008) have addressed a special Janus -like behavior of anaphora, by showing that the choice between different lexical classes of referring expressions does not only interact with the role of a referent in the previous discourse but also affects judgments concerning the expected topic referent of the following context. A field of linguistic research in which prospectivity in terms of expected or intended topichood has been firmly established relates to properties of some special specificity markers like odin, the phonologically reduced cognate of the numeral ODIN one in Russian (Ionin in press), some non-canonical forms of indefinites expressions like Engl. this (Ionin 2006), German so n and dieser (Deichsel and von Heusinger 2011) and various other kinds of definite object marking like in Turkish (Enç 1991) and Romanian (Chiriachescu and von Heusinger 2010, Chiriacescu 2011). It has been demonstrated that referents introduced by such means of expression are resumed significantly more often in the subsequent discourse than those conveyed by canonical nominal phrases. 208

228 Haus 6, Raum S21 For Russian, it has been even shown that the use of odin is ugrammatical in contexts in which the referent of the respective nominal phrase is not resumed in the following context. This paper will claim, by discussing corpus results, that the function of distinguishing a referent as the designated topic of the following discourse also holds for special classes of indefinites in historical German, namely for nominal phrases modified by makers of indefiniteness such as sum some and ein, while bare indefinite phrases are indifferent with respect to the resumption of their referent. Following this line of argumentation, a problematic aspect of the grammar of Middle High German, namely the property of ein to establish reference to given entities (Braune 1886, von Kraus 1930), becomes explainable as a special strategy to instantiate a referent as the designated discourse topic of the next section. Such an explanation is in line with the observation that languages involve special means of marking the designated topic of the following context, which strengthens cohesion, lowers cognitive efforts and improves information processing. AG8 Fictional Discourse Representation Emar Maier / U. Groningen Mittwoch, 13.3., 16:30-17:00 Formal semantics has a fundamental difficulty dealing with fiction. Since Odysseus does not denote anyone, (1) comes out neither true nor false. 1. Odysseus landed in Ithaca To capture the intuition that, in the right context, (1) is actually true, Lewis (1978) suggests that we interpret fiction utterances as if prefixed with an invisible modal operator, in the possible worlds compatible with the relevant story... I want to address two fundamental problems with this standard approach. First, adding Lewis operator would make a metafictive statement like (2) false, contra our intuitions. 2. Odysseus is a fictional character in Homer s epic The Odyssey Second, proper names are typically analysed as rigid designators, meaning that they refer to their actual bearer, regardless of any modal operators. I propose to accept that in an objective, truth-conditional sense, (1) does not express a proposition. So we should try to take subjective meaning into 209

229 Haus 6, Raum S21 AG8 account. A framework specifically designed to unite truth-conditional and cognitive aspects of meaning is DRT. Kamp s leading idea is that we can model mental states with the same tools that we use to model dynamic discourse interpretation. More specifically, mental states are (i) compartmentalized into beliefs, desires etc., each modeled as a DRS, but (ii) these compartments are highly interconnected, as modeled by their sharing of discourse referents. The leftmost box below represents my attitude of seeing a cup, containing what I believe to be coffee, which I hope to be warm. In the mental state descriptions below, the top level DRS contains the entity representations and the embedded levels carry specific attitude labels. I propose that interpreting fiction means for the reader to store the information in a compartment similar to, but separate from other attitudes. Thus, in the second DRS, FICx labels the information gathered from interpreting text x. Thus, the FIC-box contains the information that there is a hero named Odysseus, who landed in Ithaca. Metafictional utterances like (2) can be modeled in terms of shared entity representations. This means the reader creates a global representation of Odysseus that can be shared across attitudes, as shown in the rightmost box. Crucially, this final mental state description involves an internal representation whose content does not actually pick out an individual. As time goes by temporal links between free indirect speech and narrative frame Regine Eckardt / U. Göttingen Mittwoch, 13.3., 17:00 17:30 Temporal adverbials are a reliable means by which authors can force free indirect discourse ( erlebte Rede ) readings. For instance, sentences like Tomorrow was christmas can only receive a coherent interpretation in free indirect discourse. Less attention has been paid to temporal relations between the narrative frame and free indirect discourse. Doron (1991) proposes that the narrative s reference time R should serve as the protagonist s speech time 210

230 Haus 6, Raum S21 (in thought and speech), but the paper does not explore the consequences of this assumption. Schlenker (2004) discusses the historical present, but fails to cover free indirect discourse as part of narratives in the historical present. The present talk surveys the possible links between reference time and protagonist s speech time. As a first positive result of this investigation, we can easily falsify non-existence claims like free indirect discourse doesn t use the present tense (Banfield, 1982), where acceptable examples arise naturally when we systematically explore combinations of tenses in narration and FID. In a more general tier, German tense and aspect supports a very systematic propagation of reference times from narrative frame to free indirect discourse, and back again. I propose a simple semantics for tenses, aspects and shift from narration to FID which can predict possible as well as prohibited types of narration. Language usage in English seems to be less restrictive, permitting a freer range of sequences of tenses between narrative frame and thought. The findings support the view that the grammar of free indirect discourse is language specific, even though the mode of narration is known and used in many languages. AG8 Role Shift, Context Shift and Formal Iconicity Philippe Schlenker / Institut Jean-Nicod, CNRS and New York U. Mittwoch, 13.3., 17:30-18:30 Role Shift in American Sign Language (ASL) presents a paradox. Under attitude verbs, Role Shift (henceforth Intensional Role Shift ) is quotation-like. But Role Shift also arises without speech/thought report (henceforth Extensional Role Shift ), and there it couldn t be quotational. We will review advantages and drawbacks of an analysis of Intensional Role Shift based on context shift, as was advocated for Catalan Sign Language (LSC) by Quer 2005, and for ASL (which displays very different properties) by Schlenker We will propose a new solution based on formal iconicity (Schlenker et al. 2012), with three main assumptions: A1. In all cases, Role Shift makes available a perspectival point denoting the center of the attitude or action described. A2. Overt elements of the role-shifted clause are interpreted maximally iconically: if a geometric projection can be established between them and the situation described, the latter is understood to be projectable onto these elements. 211

231 Haus 6, Raum S21 AG8 A3. In Intensional Role Shift, the entire role-shifted clause can be understood to be mapped to an element of situation described, hence (by the maximality of A1) a near-quotational reading. In Extensional Role Shift, the situation described does not involve linguistic material, hence only explicitly iconic elements of the role-shifted clause can be so mapped. The analysis accounts for the fact that Role Shift, because of its iconic nature, is used to present a thought/action particularly vividly. Grammatical foundations of narrative structure a cross-linguistic study Christiane von Stutterheim / U. Heidelberg Donnerstag, 14.3., 09:00 10:00 Numerous studies have addressed questions concerning the macro-structural organization of narrative texts, a research tradition that goes back to Labov s influential work (Labov and Waletzky 1967) on narrative structure. Concepts developed for the analysis of text structure include macro-structure, coherence, thematic organization, topic continuity, information flow, to name the most important ones. In this framework, narratives are viewed as constituting a text of a given type and the analysis typically starts at the macro-structural level, in conjunction with corresponding elements at a micro-structural level, the level of the sentence. The perspective taken in our work takes the opposite direction. Speakers, narrators have to produce texts on the basis of the means available for constructing propositions at sentence level. These differ cross-linguistically and shape the options available to the speaker in information organization. In order to match the specific inventory provided by a language, macro-structural organization has to be shaped in language-specific terms. Corpora of spoken narratives in Germanic, Romance and Semitic languages, as well as bilingual pairs of these languages will be used to support this hypothesis. The cross-linguistic analyses focus on grammatical features relating to syntactic subjects (+/ null subject) as well as word order constraints, and aim to show how grammatical features which operate at the micro-structural level shape information organization in macro-structural terms. 212

232 Haus 6, Raum S21 Role of subordination in the information structure of a narrative: comparison between French and English Monique Lambert / U. Paris 8 Donnerstag, 14.3., 10:00 10:30 AG8 Following crosslinguistic studies on the role of different grammaticized resources offered by languages in the macro organization of narratives (Carroll and Lambert 2003, Stutterheim and Lambert 2005) focus here is on the contribution of subordination to information structure. Based on the analysis of subordinate clauses in the retellings of a silent film Quest (adverbial, relative and complement clauses) we examine here how French and English narrators exploit subordination to downgrade selected information. Downgrading procedures are analyzed in the Klein and Stutterheim quaestio framework (1992) which provides the means to assign information to the main plot (direct answer to the question posed by the narrative text) leaving other information to different types of side structure. Modes of introduction of entities (protagonist vs. paper, rocks) as subject of a main clause or a subordinate clause assign different informational status depending on a combination of features such as clause type (embedded nominal clause or relative), type of presentational there is / we/you/he + see, and +/-introduced entity in subject position of the subsequent clause. Comparisons show that whereas French narrators tend to map unintentional agents as subject of subordinate clauses English narrators code these elements as subject of a main clause as part of the narrative plot. They also do not use the same clause types to assign informational status. Concerning the chain of events, both languages establish coherence via temporal and causal relations but options vary in their relative weight and their coding. In French the storyline tends to be established via mention of the protagonists intentions, attitudes or goals coded in complement clauses, often ascribed by the narrator. In English temporal links are often left unspecified and causal relations are expressed by so or because. It will be argued that these contrasts are not located at the level of stylistic preferences but are influenced by different restrictions in French vs. English on the entities that qualify as subject / topic of main clauses and consequently by bridging constraints when entities are assigned different informational status by means of subordination. By construing the story line via causal links French narrators can satisfy discourse constraints of cohesion and coherence. 213

233 Haus 6, Raum S21 AG8 Language-specificity in the logic of coherence and language structure Naoko Tomita / U. Heidelberg Donnerstag, 14.3., 10:30 11:00 Information organization for the conceptual domains of TIME and ENTITY is the most relevant factor for establishment of coherence in narrative texts, as is concisely illustrated with the text question What happened at time x to protagonist y? (Stutterheim 1997). Several empirical studies in the last decade demonstrate that, beside this general principle, speakers follow a languagespecific strategy for building up coherence. The differences in information organization are (partly) attributed to grammaticised categories in the respective language (f.i., [+/ verbal aspect], Stutterheim and Nüse 2003). The aim of the present study is to examine the validity of Language-on-Cognition-effects on the basis of retellings of two types of the stimulus stories by German and Japanese speakers. In the first stimulus video ( The finite story ; Dimroth 2006), three main characters (Mr. Green, Mr. Blue, and Mr. Red) are involved. In the second video ( Quest ; Stellmach), one animate entity functions as the only protagonist. The elicited data (for The finite story, 20 participants for each language; for Quest, three German and four Japanese participants) were analyzed with respect to the following two aspects: (1) Which domain (EN- TITY or TIME) provides the preferred basis for linking information? (2) Which conceptual category (CAUSALITY or SHIFT-in-TIME) is preferably integrated for linking background information with foreground information? Results are as follows: Regardless of the number of the animate main characters, the German speakers prefer the SHIFT-in-TIME relation as a basis for linking information, maintaining the topic entity. For the Japanese speakers in contrast, there are differences between the two types of stories. When speaking about the three main characters, they organize the flow of information around a SHIFT-in-ENTITY relation in order to compare series of events involving each of the characters. When speaking about one protagonist, the Japanese speakers rely on anaphoric SHIFT-in-TIME relations which are managed by means of the verbal aspect. The causal relation is conceptualized as perception-reaction relation, using markers for the view point of the protagonist. The results will be discussed with respect to the implications of categories expressing a particular perspective, such as verbal aspects and scope particles, for the speaker s conceptualization processes. 214

234 Haus 6, Raum S21 Effects of Free Indirect Discourse on Language Comprehension Thomas Weskott and Susanna Salem / U. Göttingen Donnerstag, 14.3., 11:30 12:00 There are numerous means that a speaker/author might use to perspectivize the events described in a narrative. A prominent one is Free Indirect Discourse (FID), which is used to report on a protagonist s attitudes towards some situation or event. As the comparison of the cases in (1-3) shows, FID shares features of both Direct (DD, cf. 1) and Indirect Discourse (ID, 2): 1. He woke up and thought: What the hell am I doing here? 2. He woke up and asked himself what (*the hell) he was doing there. 3. He woke up. What the hell was he doing there? The grammatical and, more importantly, semantic properties of FID have recently received a lot of attention, reviving the pioneering work of Banfield, 1973, 1982; see e.g. Schlenker, 2004; Sharvit, 2008; Maier, 2012; Eckardt, to appear. This line of research has generated a number of interesting hypotheses about the semantic representations of FID, and its relation to DD and ID. While there have been attempts to investigate FID experimentally (mostly from a narratological perspective, with the notable exception of Cohen and Kaiser, 2012), our understanding of the psycholinguistics of FID, that is, its processing and representation, is still lagging behind the formal approaches. This has only partly to do with methodological problems earlier studies were beset with, but also with the fact that the effects of FID on processing seem to be rather subtle. In this talk, we will present a series of off-line and on-line experiments on FID in which we manipulated a number of factors that might affect the interpretation of a stretch of discourse as being FID. The most important among them was cue strength, i.e, which linguistic means are used to signal FID (expressives, evaluatives? Are they used repeatedly?). We employed different experimental methods (rating, self-paced reading, recall) to test for the effects of these manipulations. Our results suggest that, while the effect of FID on on-line processing (reading times) is rather ephemeral, its influence on properties of discourse representation (comprehension, recall) is quite robust. These results will be discussed with respect to the relation of FID to other types of report and to current formal theories of FID. AG8 215

235 Haus 6, Raum S21 AG8 The relation between reported speech, pretense and metarepresentation: A developmental perspective Franziska Köder / U. Groningen Donnerstag, 14.3., 12:00 12:30 In this talk, I present considerations on the conceptual and developmental relationship between reported speech, pretense and metarepresentation. There is a lively debate among developmental psychologists whether the ability to engage in pretend play requires metarepresentation (e.g. Leslie 1987; Perner 1991). I would like to extend this debate by drawing attention to similarities and differences between utterances in pretend play (see example (1)) and direct (2) and indirect (3) speech reports. 1. Pretend play: I am sick. 2. Direct discourse: Mary said I am sick. 3. Indirect discourse: Mary said that she is sick. With regard to their linguistic form, direct discourse and indirect discourse are metarepresentations in the sense that they are linguistic representations of linguistic representations. They consist of a metarepresentational prefix ( Mary said ) and the reported utterance as object-representation (Recanati 2000). A pretend utterance like (1) is however only a primary representation, regardless of the fact that its world of evaluation is not the real but an imaginary world. Therefore, just judging by the linguistic surface, direct and indirect discourse seem cognitively more demanding than pretend utterances and one would expect them to be acquired later. However, speech reports and pretend utterances both start to develop between two and three years and get more elaborate in children s fourth year of life. This also means that children use these forms even before they pass standard false belief tests (at around four) which are sometimes taken to be the landmark of metarepresentation (e.g. Perner 1991). The question arises whether the production of linguistic constructions such as direct and indirect discourse can be taken as evidence that a child is able to metarepresent. The answer to this question clearly depends on how the concepts representation and metarepresentation are defined. In my talk, I will review several definitions, I will discuss their implications for the analysis of speech reports and pretend utterances, and I will assess their validity against the backdrop of empirical studies on children s linguistic and cognitive development. 216

236 Haus 6, Raum S21 Story time, salience, and situation model Choonkyu Lee / U. Utrecht Donnerstag, 14.3., 12:30 13:00 AG8 The speaker s choice of a referential expression has been attributed to salience factors including centering (Brennan, 1995) and presence/absence of another potential referent in linguistic or visual context (Arnold and Griffin, 2007). The relevant notion of salience has been discussed in terms of the addressee s mental representation (Prince, 1981; Gundel, Hedberg, and Zacharski, 1993). In an elicited narrative production study, we investigated the relationship between story time and narrators use of different types of referring expressions. We used Mayer s wordless picture books in the Boy, Dog, and Frog series to test this hypothesis. In about 20 pictures each, Mayer s books present the adventures of multiple characters. Because the inter-event intervals between scenes vary, Mayer s books are ideal for studying the impact of passage of story time. In one part of the study, eight native English-speaking adults estimated how much time had elapsed between the events depicted in each pair of consecutive pictures. We used these estimates to obtain mean estimated intervals for pairs of consecutive events, and selected the eight longest intervals (mean = 67min 1.9s) and the eight shortest intervals (mean = 9.8s). We then elicited narratives from different groups of native English-speaking adults by asking them to write or tell a story to accompany the pictures in Mayer s books. We counted the first instances of Proper Names, Definite Descriptions, and Pronouns after the eight Short Intervals and eight Long Intervals for referents that were also mentioned in the immediately preceding scene. Interevent interval had a significant effect on the type of referring expression used, with Proper Names being significantly more common after Long Intervals than after Short Intervals, and Definite Descriptions and singular Pronouns showing the opposite pattern. In short, the longer the interval in story time, the more explicit the referring expression for re-mentioning a character. Other factors such as textual distance (Givon, 1992), subjecthood of the referent in the antecedent, and presence of a referential competitor do not account for the results. Narrators use different types of referring expressions depending on intervals in story time, consistent with the situation model of discourse (van Dijk and Kintsch, 1983; Zwaan, Langston, and Graesser, 1995; Pickering and Garrod, 2006). Discontinuities in situational dimensions of content create psychological distances that affect the information structure in narrative orga- 217

237 Haus 6, Raum S21 AG8 nization, and proper names serve as a cue for salience (Sanford, Moar, and Garrod, 1988). Between narrator and protagonist in fables of German Sign Language (DGS) Nina-Kristin Pendzich and Annika Herrmann / U. Göttingen Freitag, 15.3., 11:30 12:00 Spoken language stories in the oral-auditory modality as well as sign language stories in the visual-manual modality exhibit typical structural properties of texts and use similar systematic strategies for referent tracking and focalization. Using German translations of the five ECHO-fables (cf. Crasborn et al. 2007), we elicited signed fables of German Sign Language (DGS), annotated the videos, and investigated focalization strategies with three DGS signers. A modality-specific way of perspective shift in signed discourse is the use of role shift and constructed action in which the signer reproduces words or actions of the protagonists in a similar way to direct and indirect quotation in spoken languages. Nonmanual features such as movements of the body, head, and face mark the perspective shift and indicate who is talking or acting. Thus, role shift and constructed action are related and interacting linguistic strategies, which are used to mark context shift, shift in focalization, and shifted reference (cf. Herrmann/Steinbach 2012, Lillo-Martin 2012, Quer 2011). In signed fables, both phenomena are frequently used as strategies of story telling. In the visual-manual modality, these systematic shifts can be interrupted by elements assigned to the narrator, so that the distinction between the perspective of protagonist and narrator is not always clear-cut. Signers sometimes switch between narrator and protagonist within a single utterance by slightly changing nonmanual markers. Moreover and most interestingly, different body parts may act as independent representations showing the narrator s perspective and the protagonist s perspective at the same time. The body, for instance, may take the role of an animal protagonist, whereas the head (specifically eye gaze) may indicate that the actual signing belongs to the narrator. Different strategies such as body shifts, eye gaze change, and hand dominance shift allow signers to switch between perspectives and even simultaneously layer them. We will discuss examples from the fables showing strategies for such parallel focalization. In an account to combine and commonly analyze phenomena such as free indirect discourse in spoken languages and role shift or constructed action in 218

238 Haus 6, Raum S21 sign languages (cf. Hübl to appear), it is interesting to see that there is a mixture of narrator and protagonist style in examples of both modalities. Whether and how spoken discourse may simultaneously show mixed focalization is an interesting issue that deserves a comparison with the results from the signed fables. AG8 Contrastive topics and role shift in Catalan Sign Language (LSC) narratives Gemma Barberà and Josep Quer / U. Barcelona Freitag, 15.3., 12:00 12:30 Research on the choice of referential expressions in signed discourse is still limited and it often follows the basic line of analysis of the Accessibility Theory by Ariel (1990 et seq.) (see Kibrik and Prozorova 2007, also in acquisition, cf. Morgan 2006). In this paper we address the interaction among types of referring mechanisms in LSC narratives (Aesop s fables). Specifically, we question the one-to-one correspondence between type of referring expression and accessibility status of a discourse referent at a given point in discourse and argue for a more composite picture of reference tracking in the visual-gestural modality. From the analysis of naturalistic Catalan Sign Language (LSC) narratives it emerges that nouns, pronominal indices, entity and limb classifiers and the marker ALTRE other are all used in combination with body lean linked to role shift (encompassing both reported discourse and reported action). In addition, their occurrence does not appear to be systematically governed by the degree of salience of the discourse referent at stake (for example, the lexical noun is not simply used for reintroduction of a referent which is less accessible after its first mention, but quite systematically in role alternation). In order to understand the occurrences of referring expression in signed naturalistic narratives, we appeal to the notion of double contrast (Mayol 2010), whereby two different referents occupy the subject position and their respective verb phrases predicate two different, and in some sense opposite, actions or states. In connected discourse of the kind we discuss, the body lean associated to role shift is the main marker of contrast between the two (or three) protagonists of the narratives. What the data shows is that contrast is always marked by a combination of body lean and a nominal referring expression. We show that the chains of contrastive topics override the criteria otherwise determined by accessibility status. 219

239 Haus 6, Raum S21 AG8 Ways of constructing action in multimodal communication Silva H. Ladewig / U. Frankfurt (Oder) Cornelia Müller / U. Frankfurt (Oder) Jana Bressem / TU Chemnitz Freitag, 15.3., 12:30 13:00 Studies on multimodal communication have shown that gestures reveal different ways of depicting an event. Accordingly, an action or event can be described from the perspective of a character acting in a story or from the perspective of an observer of an event. These different perspectives visible in the use of the body have been described in terms of character viewpoint and observer viewpoint gestures (McNeill 1992). Research on multimodal narrations has so far focused mainly on explaining a speaker s choice between viewpoint gestures arguing for a syntactic influence of speech on the gestures or for constraints imposed by the event structure (e.g., Beattie and Shovelton 2002; McNeill 1992; Parrill 2010). Furthermore, studies tried to explore the preferences for viewpoint gestures from a cross-linguistic perspective conducting experiments on the depiction of motion events (e.g., Brown 2008; Casey and Emmorey 2009; Kita and Özyürek 2003). The paper to be presented adds to the current discussion of multimodal narrations and viewpoint gestures. However, it focuses only on the construction of actions from the perspective of a character performing an action. By following a linguistic-semiotic approach to gestures (Müller, Bressem and Ladewig in press) it aims at providing a detailed account on how the body is used in multimodal narrations. Furthermore, it uses data from naturally occurring real world interactions. The data set consists of 20 hours covering different discourse types. The analyses of spontaneous gestures usages in different kinds of real world interactions show that the body can be used to depict the speaker s own actions as well as the actions of others (indicating a major shift in perspective). Furthermore, we found different degrees of semiotic complexity in bodily depictions: An event can be depicted in a pantomimic way using various parts of the body or in a non-pantomimic way using only the hands (see also Ladewig, Müller and Teßendorf 2010). Based on these observations we propose a continuum of constructing actions ranging from depictions using the whole body as articulators to isolated articulators such as the hands or the face. The results offer interesting insights for a comparative view on constructed action (e.g., Metzger 1995) from the perspective of sign language and spoken language linguistics. Moreover, they point to actions as embodied roots of language. 220

240 Haus 6, Raum S21 Manual holds: an analysis of two sign languages and two genres Vadim Kimmelman / U. Amsterdam Anna Sáfár / U. Nijmegen Freitag, 15.3., 13:00 13:30 AG8 Sign languages are articulated with the two hands, a property which affords a higher degree of simultaneity than in spoken languages. A type of manual simultaneity occurs when one hand is held while the other hand continues signing. Such manual holds have been described in the literature, but systematic corpus-based analyses, as well as cross-linguistic and cross-genre comparisons are still rare. Our aim is to take a step in this direction by comparing manual holds in two unrelated sign languages: Russian Sign Language (RSL) and the Sign Language of the Netherlands (NGT). We provide a systematic analysis of all manual holds occurring in a corpus of RSL and NGT, in terms of syntax and information structure. For both languages, two types of narratives are compared, namely retelling cartoon excerpts and personal narratives. For NGT, we also analyze data from conversations. We describe the frequency of manual holds as well as their basic phonetic properties. A preliminary analysis showed that the majority of holds did not cross clause boundaries. The remaining holds were maintained over two to seven clauses. Holds may originate in one-or two-handed lexical signs, classifiers and pointing signs. Next, we examine the syntactic relationship between the hold and the signs articulated by the active hand. We have found that predicates can spread over their arguments, but also arguments can spread over the corresponding predicates. We will compare a syntactic analysis with an information structural approach. It has been suggested in the literature that holds often represent sentence-or discourse-level topics, and this seems to be true for RSL and NGT as well. Furthermore, holds may also be related to backgrounding and contrast. Besides comparing different analyses of manuals holds, we also compare two genres and two sign languages. We expect to find differences in the frequency and types of holds between genres but not between languages. We hypothesize that both RSL and NGT use the affordances provided by the visual-gestural modality in similar ways. However, in narratives holds may more often serve the maintenance of relations in topographic space, whereas in conversations their main function is more likely to be the maintenance of sentence-and discourse-level topics. 221

241 Haus 6, Raum S21 AG8 A new technique for assessing narrative prosodic effects in sign languages Ronnie Wilbur / Purdue U. Evie Malaia / U. of Texas Freitag, 15.3., 13:30 14:00 Prior kinematic work has established sentence-level prosodic effects such as phrase final lengthening and stress marking. But larger narratives, e.g. The Fox and The Stork in Wilbur s (1994) paper, have rarely been addressed in production and even then, not at the level of kinematic analysis afforded by motion capture capabilities. We report prosodic patterns within 48 narratives (e.g. 1) from motion capture of a Deaf ASL signer. XYZ and angular positions were recorded at 60fps for Gypsy 3.0 suit markers and with independent video. The two-pronged analysis first verifies sentence-level reports of longest duration in phrase final position (Liddell 1977) and higher velocity for stress (Wilbur 1999) and then identifies narrative effects across sentences. For example, how is phrase final sign lengthening affected when a sentence is embedded in a multiple-sentence narrative? Are earlier stress velocities suppressed compared to narrative final stress velocity? Each sign in each paragraph is kinematically measured for duration, maximum velocity, minimum velocity after the maximum, percent of elapsed sign duration at maximum velocity, and maximum and subsequent minimum deceleration. Each sign is coded for sentence and narrative level characteristics (e.g. narrative final/non-final, sentence final/non-final, narrative stress, sentence stress, sentence topic, etc) and information status (new/old, focus, contrast, asserted, questioned, theme/rheme [Milkovic et al 2007], etc). The kinematic variables are regressed against narrative/sentence variables to determine their relationships. In addition, the entire dataset will be input to several signal detection algorithms to identify significant patterns. This technique moves kinematic analysis of signing into a larger rhythmic and discourse domain. 1. KNOW-THAT DEAF SCHOOL HAVE NEW DORM. OLD NOT DE- STROY, SURPRISE ME. BUILD NEW NEXT-TO BUILD. BEAUTI- FUL. You know the Deaf school has a new dorm? I m surprised they didn t destroy the old one. The new one is built next to the old one. It s beautiful. 222

242 Haus 6, Raum S21 Perspective Shift, Discourse Modes and Temporal Interpretation in Sign Languages Christian Rathmann / U. Hamburg Freitag, 15.3., 14:00 14:30 AG8 Discourse chunks involve multiple characters. It is possible in sign languages to adopt the perspective of these characters through a mechanism called perspective shift. Perspective shift does not directly contribute temporal information, but interacts with discourse mode, which in turn affects temporal interpretation. Specifically, if perspective shift is used to convey two characters perspective on the same thing, it is considered to be in Description mode (following Smith 2003). Within this mode, the pattern of temporal interpretation is anaphoric. The reference time for the two perspectives is the same and is linked back to a reference time set up at the beginning of a discourse chunk. It starts with Description mode by setting up the situation (the mother looking out the window). Then the rest of the discourse chunk expands on this situation by going into detail each character s perspective on it. Thus the reference time in each perspective is linked to the original reference time. Under a particular perspective which zooms in on the original reference time and shifts it to utterance time, it is possible to narrate sub-events that progress from one to another, as in Narrative mode. Relating a series of sub-events in Narrative mode is not a necessary feature of perspective shift. Perspective shift can be used to report dialogue between characters as well. In sum, perspective shift allows rich possibilities for temporal interpretation, depending on which mode (and its accompanying pattern of temporal interpretation) is being used. The analysis of perspective shift will be represented within the (S)-DRT framework. 223

243 Wahrheit Fokus Negation Herausgegeben von Horst Lohnstein und Hardarik Blühdorn Linguistische Berichte, Sonderheft Seiten Kartoniert buske.de Das Sonderheft betrachtet das Phänomen Verumfokus unter verschiedenen theoretischen Perspektiven und entwickelt Konzeptionen, die zu einem angemesseneren Verständnis der syntaktischen, semantischen und pragmatischen Eigenschaften der damit verbundenen Konstruktionen führen sollen. Der abschließende Beitrag führt Kerngedanken aus dem Band zusammen und entwickelt eine neue Theorie des Verumfokus, die für Syntax und Semantik der unterschiedlichen Satzmodi und Satzarten des Deutschen ausbuchstabiert wird. Hardarik Blühdorn & Horst Lohnstein: Einleitung Hildegard Stommel: Verum-Fokus als Kontrast-Fokus Horst Lohnstein: Verumfokus Satzmodus Wahrheit Daniel Gutzmann: Verum Fokus Verum-Fokus? Fokus-basierte und lexikalische Ansätze Stefan Sudhoff: Negation der Negation Verumfokus und die niederländische Polaritätspartikel wel Hardarik Blühdorn: Faktizität, Wahrheit, Erwünschtheit: Negation, Negationsfokus und»verum»- Fokus im Deutschen Hardarik Blühdorn & Horst Lohnstein: Verumfokus im Deutschen: Versuch einer Synthese Helmut Buske Verlag

244 Arbeitsgruppe 9 Specific Conditions in Language Acquisition AG9 Flavia Adani Johannes Hennies Eva Wimmer Workshop description The investigation of early language acquisition and its development under specific conditions has proven to be a powerful tool to learn more about the system of different languages and their acquisition mechanisms. Several studies have addressed the question of how children acquire one or more languages under specific conditions, such as developmental disorders, sensory disabilities, or different ages of onset in L2-acquisition. This line of comparative research (cross-population and/or cross-linguistic) is able to uncover subtle aspects of the language acquisition process that only emerge under some specific conditions and it also helps in providing a finer-grained characterization of language disorders. The papers in this workshop will focus on three topics: i) the comparison between different populations and different languages as a way to characterize the language acquisition process under specific conditions; ii) the distinction between typical and atypical language development and the discussion of different explanations for the latter (such as an impairment of the linguistic system or a performance deficit) and their potential interplay; and iii) the contribution of experimental data to inform the representation of grammar under specific conditions and vice versa. The workshop gives an opportunity to address also methodological questions, e.g. the factors that need to be controlled when discussing different groups and the criteria of matching in order to draw meaningful comparisons 225

245 Haus 6, Raum S22 AG9 (e.g. matching based on age, length of exposure, or linguistic abilities). Towards this end, the workshop aims to bring together recent studies that examine two or more groups acquiring one language under different specific conditions or cross-linguistic research on children acquiring different languages under the same specific condition, namely: children with Specific Language Impairment (SLI), children with hearing impairment, L2-learners with different ages of onset and children with Autistic Spectrum Disorder (ASD). The research will include the acquisition of different aspects of language, such as phonetics/phonology, inflectional morphology, and syntax. Similarities and Differences in Language Development in Three Atypical Contexts: ASD, L2, and SLI Laurie Tuller / U. Tours Mittwoch, 13.3., We will examine three different acquisition contexts, two of which involve pathology, and one which involves second language input. Our goal was to investigate whether sensitivity to linguistic computational complexity is similar in children acquiring the same language in these varying situations, and, more generally, to what extent these children display similar language performance. Children with Autism Spectrum Disorders (ASD), children with Specific Language Impairment (SLI), and child second language (L2) learners are alike in that acquisition of the target language is delayed, compared to typical, monolingual language development (TD). Language delay is the inclusionary criterion for SLI, and children who begin acquiring an L2 after early childhood (after age 4) are also clearly behind TD monolingual children of the same age, at least initially. Language delay (or regression) is also very common in ASD, and, indeed, is reported to be the most common reason why parents first seek medical attention (Lord and Paul, 1997). Children in these three groups might thus be expected to share certain difficulties with the same target language, and indeed there is a growing literature which compares SLI to L2, on the one hand, and SLI to ASD, on the other. However, there are clear differences between these situations, which (also) might be expected to determine how language develops. The most obvious is probably that TD L2 children have another language already, and that they are TD. Another is the well-reported difficulty that children with ASD have with pragmatic aspects of language. However, distinguishing healthy child L2 acquisition from SLI in a child L2 acquisition context is a notoriously vexing problem (see COST 226

246 Haus 6, Raum S22 Action IS0804). Likewise, the nature of language similarities between children with ASD and children with SLI are far from being understood (Williams et al. 2008). Can comparative study help us better understand how language is acquired in these specific situations and how the language faculty and language performance systems interact in acquisition? These questions will be explored via results of a longitudinal, comparative study of over 60 6-to 12-year-old child learners of French: monolingual children with a standard diagnosis of SLI, monolingual children with a standard diagnosis of ASD, and typically developing British children growing up in France after age four following familial immigration. These three groups are compared to monolingual TD French children: 4-year-olds, 6-year-olds, 8-year-olds, and 11-yearolds (as well as adult controls). The children in the ASD, L2, and SLI groups were tested twice, at an interval of one year, via standardized language measures, spontaneous language samples, and experimental tasks probing areas of French syntax which are known to be sources of difficulty in acquisition (pronominal clitics) or which allow for straightforward testing of varying degrees of computational complexity, measured in terms of syntactic movement (wh-questions). Results of these different ways of accumulating data have revealed striking similarities, but also equally striking differences between language performance in these groups of children. The role computational complexity plays in determining acquisition sequences and difficulties may not be identical in different contexts. AG9 Phonological processing in atypical development: an intergroup comparison Ferré Sandrine and Christophe dos Santos / U. Tours Mittwoch, 13.3., Vowels are often presented as being the most stable element in a word. Supporting this idea, studies on children with Specific Language Impairment (SLI) often describe a deficit on consonants (Ferré et al., 2011; Gallon et al., 2007; Marshall et al., 2002; Van der Lely, 2005) for those children. In contrast, speakers with Autistic Spectrum Disorder (ASD) are known to show a deficit on the level of prosody (Diehl and Paul, 2011; McCann and Peppé, 2003). Vowel is the principal place of prosodic feature expression. The phonetic realization of these prosodic features is language dependant (Hayes, 1995). The question is to determine whether the prosodic impairment of children with ASD generates more trouble on vowel production than in children 227

247 Haus 6, Raum S22 AG9 with SLI. If they show different patterns of errors than children with SLI, it would mean that a specific phonological deficit also exists for children with ASD. Then, we suppose that it could play a role in their prosodic deficit. If vowels and consonants are preserved, the impairment could then find its origin at another level than the pure phonological one. Moreover a comparison with English-speaking children that acquire French as a second language would allow us to check whether dealing with stress placement could lead to a disturbance on vowel production. We compared productions of three groups of children at a word repetition task: 28 children with SLI aged 6;5 to 12;11 (mean 9;6), 17 children with ASD aged 6;4 to 12;9 (mean 8;9) and 26 children who have English as first language and French as second language aged 6;4 to 12;7 (mean 9;6). We use the standardized word repetition task of the BILO-3C (Khomsi, 2007). This test includes words of various lengths and different level of phonological complexity. Overall performances on the word repetition test show that children with SLI have significantly lower scores compared to children with ASD and L2 children (respectively, mean SD: -7.1; -5.1; -2.6). Correlations between word phonological structures and word productions show that children with pathology have difficulties with structural complexity whereas L2 children are mainly influenced by word length. The analysis of vowel production shows that vowels are not problematic for any of these children. However, consonants, and especially clusters, are a source of difficulty for children with ASD and with SLI. Children with ASD show phonological difficulties not linked with their prosodic impairment. Patterns of errors are similar in children with pathology with a preference in using substitution and elision of phonemes. L2 children show a clear preference for elision. They also tend to omit entire syllables instead of isolated phonemes, possibly due to the different stress system found in these two languages. To conclude, we can say that L2 children are not really affected by structural complexity but rather by a mismatch between French and English prosody. Children with pathology are influenced by complexity rather than prosody. Differences between children with ASD and SLI are mainly seen in the amount of errors, but not in patterns of errors. References Diehl, J.J. & Paul, R. (in press). Acoustic and perceptual measurements of prosody production on the profiling elements of prosodic systems in children by children with autism spectrum disorder. Applied Psycholinguistics. Ferré, S., Tuller, L., Piller, A.-G. & Barthez, M.-A., (2011) Strategies of avoidance in (a)typical develop- 228

248 Haus 6, Raum S22 ment of French, In L. Dominguez & P. Guijarres-Fuentes (eds), Selected proceedings of the Romance Turn III, Cambridge: Cambridge Scholar Publisher. Gallon, N., Harris, J. & van der Lely, H. (2007). Non-word repetition: an investigation of phonological complexity in children with Grammatical SLI. Clinical linguistics & phonetics, 21, Hayes, B. (1995). Metrical Stress Theory: Principles and Case Studies, University of Chicago Press. Khomsi, A., Khomsi, J., Pasquet, F. & Parbeau-Guéno, A. (2007). Bilan Informatisédu langage Oral au cycle 3 et au Collége (BILO-3C). Editions du Centre de Psychologie Appliquée, Paris. Marshall, C., Ebbels, S., Harris, J., & van der Lely, H. K. J. (2002). Investigating the impact of prosodic complexity on the speech of children with Specific Language Impairment. In Vermeulen, R. & Neeleman, A. (Eds.) UCL Working Papers in Linguistics, 14, McCann, J., & Peppé, S. (2003). Prosody in autism spectrum disorders: A critical review. International Journal of Language and Communication Disorders, 38, van der Lely, H. K. J. (2005). Grammatical-SLI and the computational grammatical complexity hypothesis. Revue Frequences, 17, 3, AG9 Clitic production and nonword repetition in early L2 and SLI acquisition of Italian: what do they reveal and how can they be useful? Maria Teresa Guasti / U. Milano-Bicocca Mittwoch, 13.3., The production of clitics is an excellent clinical marker of SLI in Italian at 5 years (Bortolini et al., 2006) and at 7 years (Arosio et al., 2010). However, clitic production is problematic in other conditions (Leonini, 2006), one of which is early L2 acquisition. This is a serious problem for the identification of L2 children with SLI. It also raises the question of why clitics are vulnerable in both acquisition modes. This paper aims at providing a viable solution to the first problem and an explanation of the second question. participants: 20 early L2 Italian-Arabic children (M =5;6 SD = 0,2, range 5;1-6;0,) and 18 early L2 Italian-Arabic children (M = 7;5, SD = 0,3, range 7;1-8;0). Each group was matched with a group of monolingual Italian-speaking children matched for sex, age and SES. tasks: Children were administered: TCGB (Chilosi and Cipriani, 2006) to assess grammatical comprehension; Non word (NW) repetition (PRCR-2, Cornoldi, Miato, Molin and Poli, 1995) and direct object clitic production. NW repetition, like clitic production, is a good clinical marker of SLI in Italian (Bortolini et al., 2006). 229

249 Haus 6, Raum S22 AG9 results: TCGB: Although there is a significant improvement from 5 to 7 years in both monolingual and L2 children, the former are better than the latter. Non word repetition. There is an improvement from 5 to 7 years. This time, however, both at 5 and 7 years, L2 learners are better than monolingual. Clitics. Monolingual are better than L2 children at 5, but at 7 years there is no longer any difference. discussions: L2 learners have a weaker general competence than their monolingual peers at 5 and 7 as assessed by the TCGB. Like children with SLI, they have problems with clitics at 5 years, but they catch up at 7 years. Unlike children with SLI, L2 learners are strong in the repetition of NW at 5 and 7 years. proposals: First, as NW repetition is an area of weakness in monolingual children with SLI at 5 years, one may conjecture that the combination of NW repetition and clitic production identify, among L2 learners, those affected with SLI. Second, clitic production involves a number of skills: phonological (clitics are weak syllables), morphosyntactic (clitics have case, number and gender features) and syntactic (they give rise to a non canonical word order SOV). Phonological skills are also involved in NW repetition. Thus, one may suggest that clitic production is taxing for children with SLI because of the complexity it involves at all linguistic levels (from phonology to syntax). By contrast, the difficulty for L2 learners stems from the morphosyntactic or syntactic complexity. Sentence repetition as a means of identifying bilingual children with SLI in French Alice Fleckstein, Philippe Prévost, Laurie Tuller, and Rasha Zebib / U. Tours Mittwoch, 13.3., Several studies reported similar language developmental paths in bilingual children and monolinguals with SLI, which makes it hard to determine whether language problems in bilingual children are due to SLI or to typical L2 acquisition (e.g. Paradis and Crago, 2000, 2004). In particular, previous results in typical and atypical language acquisition have shown the crucial role played by computational complexity in language development, as determined by the nature and number of morphosyntactic operations, such as movement, and by depth of embedding (e.g. Friedmann et al., 2009; Hamann, 2006; Jakubowicz and Tuller, 2008). In addition, standardized language tests used to 230

250 Haus 6, Raum S22 identify children at risk of SLI have not been standardized on bilingual children, which makes the results obtained on L2 learners difficult to interpret, with the risk of overdiagnosis of language impairment in this population. In this paper, we explore sentence repetition as a new way of testing language abilities in bilingual children. Such tasks have been shown to be a reliable diagnostic marker of SLI with monolinguals (Conti-Ramsden et al., 2001). We tested performance on structures of various computational complexity levels in French among different populations aged 5;7 to 6;7: monolinguals with typical development (TD) (n=16), monolinguals with SLI (n=12), and bilingual children with Arabic or English as their L1. Some of the bilinguals had a suspicion of SLI (the Bi-SLI group, n=24, 12 for each L1) and some did not (the Bi-TD group, n=24, 12 for each L1). All children were administered a digit span task testing executive functions, and the bilingual children and the monolinguals with SLI took a standardized test on receptive vocabulary as well as Raven s Progressive Matrices in order to measure their non-verbal reasoning skills. The sentence repetition task contained 56 sentences controlled for length, such as main clauses with present and (composite) past tense, sentences with accusative clitics, passives, wh-questions, and biclausal sentences (with clausal embedding or relative clauses). Four measures were obtained: percentage of production of identical sentences, of target structures, of grammatical sentences and of target grammatical morphemes. In our preliminary results with 11 Arabic/French bilinguals (6 BI-SLI and 5 BI-TD) and 23 monolinguals (16 TD and 7 with SLI), the percentage of identical repetition was the measure that best distinguished between monolingual and bilingual children with SLI from those with typical development. In particular, there was no overlap between the performance of the Bi-TD and the Bi-SLI. Furthermore, the children with SLI had significantly lower performance on exact repetition of constructions involving higher computational complexity (e.g. object relative clauses) than the TD children. Finally, we observed a limited effect of sentence length. Although in some cases longer sentences tended to be repeated less correctly than shorter sentences, it was not always the case. For example, in both SLI groups, 12-or 13-syllable sentences were repeated as correctly as 5-or 7-syllable sentences. These results suggest that sentence repetition tasks can be used to identify SLI in bilingual children and they confirm the vulnerability of children with SLI to complexity effects. AG9 231

251 Haus 6, Raum S22 AG9 Some notes on nonword repetition in monolingual and early second language acquisition Angela Grimm / U. Frankfurt Mittwoch, 13.3., This paper discusses the usage of nonword repetition in early second language acquisition (el2). Nonword repetition assesses children s working memory capacities and/or their phonological skills. The task is often seen as relatively free of language-specific knowledge (Kiese-Himmel and Risse 2009) and thus seems to be particularly applicable for el2 learners. Nonword repetition also distinguishes typically developing (TD) children from children with Specific language Impairment (SLI). However, given the poorer performance of TD el2 learners compared to TD monolinguals (MON), it is an empirical question if nonword repetition also disentangles el2 learners with and without SLI. el2 learners start acquiring their second language (L2) between age two and four (Meisel 2009). In lexical and grammatical tasks, el2-td preschoolers lag behind age-matched MON-TDs (Wenzel et al for grammar, Budde et al for vocabulary). For nonword repetition, the evidence is mixed. Budde et al. (2012) found no differences between MON-TD and el2-td, while Messer et al. (2010) and Windsor et al. (2012) did. Windsor et al. (2012) reported that el2-td children performed similar to MON-SLI children, with both groups outperforming the el2-sli group. As in any other task, the accuracy of el2 learners in nonword repetition improves with their chronological age and the length of exposure (LoE) to the L2; the differences to MON thus decrease over time. In non-word repetition tasks, differences between age-matched MON-TD and el2-td children increase with word-length, if nonwords sound more like existing words of the L2, and if nonwords contain sound sequences infrequent in the L2 (Messer et al. 2010). These findings imply that the acquisition type (MON, el2) and the language-specificity of the items should be considered when assessing el2 learners with a nonword repetition task. We constructed a nonword repetition task with a special focus on languagespecific effects as joint work within the COST-Action IS0804 (www.bi-sli.org). Language-specific effects were controlled by constructing a (quasi-)languageindependent part (LI, 30 items) and a language-dependent part (LD, 36 items). We expected el2-td learners to perform like MON-TD in the LI part, but to produce significantly more errors in the LD part. Pilot data of 7 MON (mean age 4;6) and 6 el2 learners (mean age 4;7, mean LoE 23 months) supported 232

252 Haus 6, Raum S22 our prediction: The el2-td learners produced significantly more errors than the MON-TD if the two test parts were collapsed (p <.001) and in the LD part (p <.001), but not in the LI part (p <.1). The results provide further evidence that the properties of the items influence the performance of el2 learners in nonword repetition tasks. Our task differs from previous ones, which controlled items for specific properties (i.e., word length, word-likeness, phonotactics), but where the items still sound relatively close to a specific language. Our data shows that differences between MON-TD and el2-td disappear even in four-year olds if languageindependent items were used. We argue that nonwords can be constructed without disadvantaging el2 learners and discuss the implications of our account for the assessment of MON and el2 learners with SLI. AG9 References Budde, N., Sachse, S. & Rinker, T. (2012). Cross sectional language data of a Turkisch-German migrant population. Poster, Conference on Bilingual and Multilingual Interaction, Bangor, March 30 April, 1, Kiese-Himmel, C. & Risse, T. (2009). Normen für den Mottier-Test bei 4 bis 6-jährigen Kindern. HNO 57, b Meisel, J. (2009). Second language acquisition in early childhood. Zeitschrift für Sprachwissenschaft 28, Messer, M.H., Leseman, P.P., Boom, J. & Mayo, A.Y. (2010). Phonotactic probability effect in nonword recall and its relation with vocabulary in monolingual and bilingual preschoolers. Journal of Experimental Child Psychology 105, Wenzel, R., Schulz, P. & Tracy, R. (2009). Herausforderungen und Potential der Sprachstandsdiagnostik überlegungen am Beispiel von LiSe-DaZ. In H. H. Reich und H.-J. Roth (Hrsg.): Dokumentation der FörMig- Herbsttagung 2007: Von der Sprachdiagnose zur Sprachförderung, Münster: Waxmann. Windsor, J., Kohnert, K., Lobitz, K.F., & Pham, G.T. (2012). Crosslanguage nonword repetition by bilingual and monolingual children. American Journal of Speech-Language Pathology 19, Is there a sensitive period for L2 morphological acquisition at age 4;0? Johanne Paradis / U. Alberta Elma Blom / U. Amsterdam Mittwoch, 13.3., Much research has indicated that L2 acquisition before the ages of 6;0-8;0 can result in native-like ultimate attainment, but L2 acquisition after that age does not (cf. Hyltenstam & Abrahamsson, 2003). Recently, Meisel (2009) has 233

253 Haus 6, Raum S22 AG9 proposed the closing down of a sensitive period for the mechanisms permitting native-like acquisition patterns for morphology to be even earlier, namely at age 4;0. For this study, we asked whether tense morpheme acquisition in child L2 English showed evidence supporting this idea. We examined the acquisition of BE morphemes and inflections (3SG, past tense) in one group of English L2 learners who began learning English before 4;0 (early child L2) and another group who began after 4;0 (late child L2). According to Meisel s proposal, the early child L2ers should show the native child L1 pattern of roughly equivalent acquisition of BE and inflections (Rice & Wexler, 2001; Paradis et al., 2008); whereas, the late child L2 group should show the nonnative precocious BE acquisition pattern, i.e., BE morphemes in advance of inflections (Paradis et al., 2008; Ionin & Wexler, 2002). The early child L2ers (N=40; M-age of acquisition=42 months; M-L2- exposure=23 months) differed from the late child L2ers (N=39; M-age of acquisition=54 months; M-L2-exposure=22 months) in age of acquisition (t(77)=- 12.9, p <.001), but not in months of L2 exposure (t(77)=1.4, p =.15). Both groups had similar numbers of children with and without a tense-marking L1. Dependent variables for BE and 3SG/past tense inflection were based on the Test of Early Grammatical Impairment (TEGI; Rice and Wexler, 2001); the TEGI screener (SCR) for oral production and the TEGI grammaticality judgment task for omission (GJT-1) and bad agreement (GJT-2). For production, it was found that the children made fewer errors at using BE than at using inflections (F(1)=30.6, p <.001, partial η 2 =.29). The late child L2 group tended to have higher accuracies for inflections than the early child L2 group (F(1)=3.8, p =.056, partial η 2 =.05). For both GJT tasks, L2 children were better at judging errors with BE than with inflections, regardless of their age of acquisition (GJT-1: F(1)=61.6, p <.001, partial η 2 =.44; GJT-1: F(1)=6.9, p =.01, partial η 2 =.08). For this study we tested the claim that there is a sensitive period for morphological acquisition that lasts until age 4;0 by investigating if precocious BE is typical for late child L2 learners of English. Our results did not corroborate this idea, because both early and late child L2ers showed the effect of precocious BE and differed from English L1ers in this respect. Interestingly, the outcomes of our study suggested that for acquiring morphology L2 children can benefit from starting after age 4;0. We conclude that maturation is not only for the worse but could also be for the better (Paradis, 2009, 2010) and argue that cognitive maturity can explain both patterns for BE and verb inflection development in L2 children. 234

254 Haus 6, Raum S22 References Hyltenstam, K. & N. Abrahamsson (2003). Maturational constraints in second language acquisition. In Handbook of Second Language Acquisition, C. J. Doughty & M. H. Long (eds.), Oxford: Blackwell. Meisel, J. M. (2009). Second language acquisition in early childhood. Zeitschrift für Sprachwissenschaft 28, Paradis, J. (2009). Maturation: For better or for worse? Zeitschrift für Sprachwissenschaft, 28, Paradis, J. (2010). The interface between bilingual development and specific language impairment. Keynote article for special issue with peer commentaries. Applied Psycholinguistics, 31, Paradis, J., M. Rice, M. Crago & J. Marquis (2008). The acquisition of tense in English: Distinguishing child L2 from L1 and SLI. Applied Psycholinguistics, 29, Ionin, T. & K. Wexler (2002). Why is is easier than s? Acquisition of tense / agreement morphology by child L2-English learners. Second Language Research, 18, Rice, M.L., & Wexler, K. (2001). Test of Early Grammatical Impairment. New York, NY: The Psychological Corporation. AG9 Morphosyntactic and Pragmatic Competence in Children with Developmental Dyslexia and/or SLI Fabrizio Arosio 1, Mirta Vernice 1, Emanuela Tenca 2 and Maria Teresa Guasti 2 / 1 U. Milano-Bicocca and 2 Centro do Psicomotricitá, Lodi Mittwoch, 13.3., In children with developmental dyslexia (DDs) and in children with specific language impairment (SLIs) we tested: (i) the production of 3rd singular direct object clitic pronouns (DOCs) and 3rd singular reflexive clitic pronouns (RECs); (ii) the comprehension of the quantifiers some and all. Clitics are part of morphosyntax, they are prosodically weak elements and they resume a discourse topic. The failure to produce DOCs is a clinical marker of SLI in Italian pre-school children (Bortolini et al., 2006). Our study investigated whether this failure persists in older SLIs and whether it is observable in DDs. We investigated whether this failure also affects RECs. The comprehension of quantifiers involves peculiar semantic abilities and might also require to compute pragmatic implicatures. We investigated semantic-pragmatic abilities in order to identify areas of vulnerability and areas of strength in these children. We tested 24 Italian monolingual DDs, mean age 9 years, 24 age controls (CA) and 24 vocabulary matched controls (VA); we tested 19 Italian monolingual SLIs, mean age 7 years, 19 age controls (CA), 19 grammar mat- 235

255 Haus 6, Raum S22 AG9 ched controls (GA), 19 lexicon matched controls (VA). Data were analyzed using a repeated measure logistic regression analysis. SLIs produced less DOCs than CA (p<.001), VA (p<.001) and GA (p<.001). They tended to produce a corresponding full NP (CA comparison (p<.001), VA comparison (p<.001), GA comparison (p<.001)). No difference between SLIs and controls in the production of RECs. SLIs were different from CA (p<.001) but not from VA and GA in the comprehension of quantifiers: they understood all statements and informative some statements but they had problems in rejecting under informative some statements. DDs produced less DOCs than CA (p=.002) and VA (p<.001). They also tended to produce a corresponding full NP (CA comparison (p=.003), VA comparison (p<.001). No difference between DDs and controls in the production of RECs. No difference between DDs and controls in the comprehension of quantifiers. Discussion. DOC omission is a persistent clinical marker in older SLIs. We will argue that this may come about because the production of clitics is complex (they involve movement to a preverbal position) and not because children fail to understand the pragmatic function of pronouns or exclusively because clitics are prosodically weak elements. Our data show children have no problems in the production of RECs, which are also weak elements, and that pragmatic deficits are milder. DDs have problems in the production of DOCs. This suggests that at least a subgroup of the DDs has problems in achieving complex morphosyntactic operations although they are diagnosed as not having SLI. Specific Language Impairment in light of other developmental disorders: Evidence from morphological and syntactic investigations Stavroula Stavrakaki / U. Thessaloniki Donnerstag, 14.3., The question of whether Specific Language Impairment (SLI) shares specific phenotypic features with other neurodevelopmental disorders received remarkable attention in the last years (Conti-Ramsden et al., 2006; Laws & Bishop, 2003). In this talk, I present research studies that explore the extent to which linguistic characteristics of SLI are seen in other neurodevelopmental disorders, namely, Down s syndrome (DS) and Autism Spectrum Disorders 236

256 Haus 6, Raum S22 (ASD). Specifically, I report data concerning the production and/or comprehension of subject-verb agreement, past tense marking (regular vs. irregular) wh-questions, and relative clauses. While our studies suggest similar quantitative trends of linguistic performance in these populations, they reveal crucial qualitative differences which indicate distinct linguistic profiles for these individuals. AG9 References Conti-Ramsden G.M, Simkin Z., & Botting N.F. (2006). The prevalence of autistic spectrum disorders in adolescents with a history of specific language impairment (SLI). Journal of Child Psychology and Psychiatry, 47, Laws, G. & Bishop, D.V.M. (2003). A comparison of language abilities in adolescents with Down syndrome and children with Specific Language Impairment. Journal of Speech, Language and Hearing Research, 46, The acquisition of subject-verb agreement in German monolingual children with SLI and in successive bilingual children without and with SLI Monika Rothweiler / U. Bremen Donnerstag, 14.3., The study of bilingual children without and with SLI raises a number of theoretical and practical questions. Does bilingual language development in children differ from monolingual development? Does bilingual language development interact with a language impairment and if so, how? How reliable are the linguistic characteristics and markers of monolingual SLI for simultaneous or successive bilinguals with SLI? The main question, namely whether the symptoms of SLI are intensified in the context of bilingual language acquisition, is a still open question; cf. Paradis (2010). To approach this question, the present study concentrates on three groups of children who acquire German under different specific conditions: a group of monolingual children with SLI, a group of unimpaired early successive bilingual children (with Turkish as L1), and a group of early successive bilingual children with SLI (with Turkish as L1). The study concentrates on the question whether the two groups of children with language impairment exhibit the same or different grammatical difficulties in German and how the children with SLI differ from the group of unimpaired bilingual children. The linguistic analysis focusses on subject-verb agreement marking in the children s German because difficulties with the acquisition of SVA have 237

257 Haus 6, Raum S22 AG9 been argued to represent a grammatical marker of SLI in German for monolingual children (Clahsen et al. 1997), and for bilingual children (Rothweiler et al. 2012). Furthermore, SVA has been reported to be vulnerable in adult L2 as well (Meisel 1997). The data come from six unimpaired early successive bilingual children, six early successive bilingual children with SLI, and six monolingual children with SLI (age 4;4 to 7;11 for the SLI groups; age 3;6 to 6;8 for the unimpaired group). The data sets are MLU-matched. The age of onset of German is between age 2;9 to 4;4 in the bilingual groups. The results show that the unimpaired children master the SVA paradigm early and very similar to what has been found for unimpaired monolingual German children. The findings also confirm subject-verb agreement as a clinical marker of SLI in German, for both monolingual and early successive bilingual children, and show that acquiring a second language does not necessarily aggravate SLI. References Clahsen, H., Bartke, S. & Goellner, S. (1997). Formal features in impaired grammars: a comparison of English and German SLI children. Journal of Neurolinguistics, 10, Meisel, J. (1997). The acquisition of the syntax of negation in French and German: contrasting first and second language development. Second Language Research, 13, Paradis, J. (2010). The interface between bilingual development and specific language impairment. Applied Psycholinguistics, 31, Rothweiler, M., Chilla, S. & Clahsen, H. (2012). Subject Verb Agreement in Specific Language Impairment: A study of monolingual and bilingual German-speaking children. Bilingualism: Language and Cognition, 15, Subject-Verb-Agreement in Early Second Language Learners with and without SLI: Evidence from Elicited Production in German Rabea Schwarze, Magdalena Wojtecka, Angela Grimm, and Petra Schulz / U. Frankfurt and Research Center IDeA Donnerstag, 14.3., Subject-verb-agreement (SVA) has been argued to be one of the central vulnerable areas in children with Specific Language lmpairment (SLI). While monolingual German acquisition has been studied extensively (Grimm 1993, Clahsen 1989, Rice, Noll & Grimm 1997), little research exists on early second language (el2) acquisition of SVA. This study investigates how el2 238

258 Haus 6, Raum S22 learners of German with and without SLI master SVA, when tested with a standardized elicited production task. Studies by Rothweiler (2006) and Tracy & Thoma (2009) suggest that typically developing (TD) children learning German as el2 master SVA after about one year of exposure, i.e. generally at about age 4. A study of 7 el2 children with SLI revealed severe and presumably persistent difficulties with SVA in German, evidenced by the production of bare stems, infinitives, or substitutions up to age 8 (Rothweiler, Chilla & Clahsen 2012). Importantly, these studies used mostly spontaneous speech production data from small samples, based on qualitatively and quantitatively diverse corpora. Therefore, it is unclear whether the observed difficulties generalize across el2 children with SLI, when using a standardized procedure, which elicits sentence structures in a controlled way allowing for objective and efficient data analysis and for comparisons across children. To address this question, we administrated an elicited production task from the standardized test Lise-DaZ (Schulz & Tracy 2011) to 26 el2 TDchildren (mean age at testing round T1: 4;7, Age of Onset: 2;9, Length of Exposure: 1;9) and 14 older el2 SLI-children (mean age at testing round T1: 6;9, AoO: 3;2, LoE: 3;7). The children were tested twice with an interval of one year between T1 and T2. All el2 SLI-children have been diagnosed by a speech therapist as language impaired and performed below 1 SD in at least 2 LiSe-DaZ subtests, excluding the subtest SVA. All TD-children performed within normal range in LiSe-DaZ. So far, the data from 10 el2 TD-children and 9 el2 SLI-children have been analyzed. The el2 TD-children mostly produced correct inflected verbs in both test rounds (T1: 92%, T2: 98%). In contrast, el2 SLI-children showed significantly poorer accuracy scores for SVA in both test rounds (T1: 73%, z= , p=.027, T2: 85%, z=-2.917, p=.006; Mann-Whitney-Test). The most frequent error types in the el2 SLI-group were bare stems (T1 and T2: 12%) and affix substitutions (T1: 12%). For both groups, no significant differences were found between the two test rounds. In sum, this is the first study to use an elicited production task to assess SVA in el2 TD and SLI acquisition. Our findings support the results from previous studies, suggesting that SVA is mastered early (around age 4 to 5) in typical el2 acquisition, but presents problems in SLI el2-acquisition up to school age. A crucial advantage of elicited production is that unlike in spontaneous speech settings all children are presented with the same prompts, which are tightly controlled for the grammatical structures under investigation, allowing for comparisons across children of different acquisition types, e.g. typical and atypical el2, as well as across time. AG9 239

259 Haus 6, Raum S22 AG9 References Clahsen, H. (1989). The grammatical characterization of developmental dysphasia. Linguistics 27, Grimm, H. (1993). Syntax and morphological difficulties in German-speaking children with Specific Language Impairment: Implications for diagnosis and intervention. In: Grimm, H. & H. Skowronek (eds.), Language Acquisition Problems and Reading Disorders: Aspects of Diagnosis and Intervention. Berlin: de Gruyter. Rice, M., K. R. Noll & H. Grimm (1997). An extended optional infinitive stage in German speaking children with specific language impairment. Language Acquisition 6, Rothweiler, M. (2006). The acquisition of V2 and subordinate clauses in early successive acquisition of German. In: Lle, C. (eds.), Interfaces in multilingualism: Acquisition, representation and processing. Amsterdam: John Benjamins Rothweiler, M., S. Chilla & H. Clahsen (2012). Subject-verb agreement in specific language impairment: A study of monolingual and bilingual German-speaking children. Bilingualism: Language and Cognition 15 (1), Schulz, P. & T. Tracy (2011). LiSe-DaZ -Linguistische Sprachstandserhebung Deutsch als Zweitsprache. Göttingen: Hogrefe. Tracy, R. & D. Thoma (2009). Convergence on finite V2 clauses in L1, bilingual L1 and early L2 acquisition. In: Dimroth C. & P. Jordens (eds.), Functional categoeries in learner language. Studies on Language Acquisition (SOLA). Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter Production of definite articles in English-speaking sequential bilingual children and children with SLI Vasiliki Chondrogianni / Bangor U Theodoros Marinis / U. Reading Donnerstag, 14.3., Studies with naturalistic or narrative data have shown that definite articles are problematic for monolingual (L1) children with Specific Language Impairment (SLI), as well as for sequential bilingual (L2) typically developing (TD) (L2-TD) children acquiring English as an L2, whose L1 does not grammaticalise articles (see Polite et al., 2011 for children with SLI; Zdorenko & Paradis, 2008, 2011 for L2 children). Additionally, experimental studies with English L1-TD children (Schafer & devilliers, 2000) suggest that semantic context influences definite article production. To date there is no systematic experimental study examining the effects of semantic factors in the acquisition of definite articles in L1 children with SLI and L2-TD children, which could shed light into different profile effects in the two populations. The present study examines the effect of semantic context in L1 Englishspeaking children with SLI and L2-TD (L1 Turkish) children. 29 L1 children 240

260 Haus 6, Raum S22 with SLI (Mean:7;5), 21 L2-TD age-matched children (Mean:7;6), 30 L1-TD age-matched (AM) children (mean:7;5) and 13 younger L1-TD (mean:5.5) controls participated in a task examining definite article production in two different semantic contexts (Schafer & devilliers, 2000). The anaphoric use of articles requires tracking discourse reference; the bridging use of articles is established via world knowledge mapping and is shown to be acquired early (Coopmans & Avrutin, 2000). Results showed that performance on the anaphoric was lower than on the bridging context for all groups (L1 children with SLI: anaphoric: 23.4%, bridging: 61; p<.01; L2-TD children: anaphoric: 32.4%, bridging: 78.9%; p<.001; AM L1-TD: anaphoric: 61.6%, bridging: 78.3%; p<.01; younger L1-TD: anaphoric: 47.4%, bridging: 75.6%; p<.05). Additionally, in the anaphoric condition, the L1 children with SLI and the L2-TD children had significantly lower accuracy than the AM L1-TD children (p<.001 and p<.05 respectively), but did not differ from the younger L1-TD controls or from each other (p>.1). In the bridging condition, there was no difference in terms of accuracy between any of the groups (p>.1). In terms of errors, the L1 children with SLI substituted more than the AM L1-TD (p<.001) and the L2-TD children (p=.001) in both conditions (anaphoric: SLI: 43.4%, L2-TD: 13.6%, AM L1-TD: 9%; bridging: SLI: 18.5%, L2-TD: 1%, AM L1-TD: 5%), but did not differ from the younger L1-TD children (younger L1-TD: anaphoric: 34.6%, bridging: 6.4%; p>.1). In the anaphoric condition, the L2-TD children omitted significantly more (54%) than the younger L1-TD children (17.9%) (p<.05). The results suggest that the L1 children with SLI and the L2-TD children are influenced by the same semantic conditions that guide acquisition of definite articles in English L1-TD children. At the same time, the error patterns point towards different profiles for the L1 children with SLI and the L2-TD children. The children with SLI showed a profile of delay with more substitutions than omissions. This is similar to the younger TD controls and difficulties seem to lie within the discourse use of definite articles. Conversely, the L2-TD children were more prone to article omissions, which are compatible with performance-based accounts of L2 acquisition (Haznedar & Schwartz, 1997). AG9 241

261 Haus 6, Raum S22 AG9 Verb inflection errors in Dutch SLI: Impairment of the linguistic system, performance deficit... or both? Elma Blom, Nada Vasić, and Jan de Jong / U. Amsterdam Donnerstag, 14.3., Specific Language Impairment (SLI) is a heterogeneous language disorder that affects approximately 5 to 7% of the population. In Germanic languages, such as Dutch, problems with the production of verb inflection are the hallmark of SLI (Leonard, 2009), a problem which has been ascribed to incomplete underlying language representations (Wexler et al., 2004) or to limitations in processing linguistic information (Leonard, 2007). The primary goal of this study was to determine if problems with verb inflection in Dutch SLI are caused by an impairment of the underlying linguistic system. The secondary goal was to investigate if phonological properties of the verb form affect performance with verb inflection in Dutch-acquiring children with SLI. We carried out an experimental study using a three-group design with 26 children with SLI (Mage: 90 months), 20 typically-developing children matched for chronological age (TD-AM, Mage: 86 months) and 17 younger TD children matched for language abilities based on receptive vocabulary (TD- LM, Mage: 65 months). All children were Dutch monolinguals. A self-paced listening (SPL) task was employed to assess childrens linguistic representations. The rationale of this task is that sentences, which are incongruent with internal language representations need more processing time and thus yield longer reaction times (Marinis, 2010). In the SPL task, sensitivity to omission of the 3SG -t suffix was measured as well as substitution of 3SG -t by the plural suffix -en. A cloze test measured the effect of markedness of the coda after suffixation of 3SG -t by varying the stem-final sound (plosive, fricative, sonorant). For the SPL task a main effect of Grammaticality (F(3)=22.14, p<.001) and an interaction of Grammaticality by Group (F(6)=4.034, p=.001) were found. The SLI group was insensitive to omission errors, but was sensitive to substitution errors (t(17)=-3.90, p=.001). The TD-LM group was sensitive to omission (t(17)=-3.45, p<.01), but not to substitution. The TD-AM group was sensitive to omission (t(19)=-6.32, p<.001) and substitution (t(19)= , p=.002). Mixed logistic regression modeling revealed an interaction effect showing that only children with SLI omitted 3SG -t more often after plosives and fricatives than after sonorants (both differences p=.009). Furthermore, in the SLI production data, omission (20%) was more frequent than substitution (3%) (t(25)=3.93, p<.001). 242

262 Haus 6, Raum S22 In our study children with SLI did not distinguish incorrect verb forms from correct verb forms if the ungrammatical structure contained a frequent error (omission), but if the ungrammatical structure contained an infrequent error (substitution), ungrammaticality was noticed. Furthermore, marked consonant clusters caused children with SLI to make more errors with verb inflection. The observed symmetry between the processing and production results suggest that the impairment affects children s verb inflection representations. The phonological effect indicates that children with SLI have particular difficulties spelling out verb inflection under phonologically challenging conditions, which points to a performance deficit. We will argue that both the processing and production results can be accounted for by a domain-general processing approach to SLI. AG9 References Leonard, L. (2009). Cross-linguistic studies of child language disorders. In R. Schwartz (Ed.), Handbook of child language disorders (pp ). New York, NY: Psychology Press. Leonard, L. (2007). Processing limitations and the grammatical profile of children with specific language impairment. In R. Kail (Ed.), Advances in Child Development and Behavior, Volume 35 (pp ). New York: Elsevier. Marinis, T. (2010). Using on-line processing methods in language acquisition research. In Blom, E. & Unsworth, S. (Eds). Experimental methods in language acquistion research (pp ). Amsterdam/Philadelphia: Benjamins. Wexler, K., Schaeffer, J. & Bol, G. (2004). Verbal syntax and morphology in typically developing children and children with SLI: How developmental data can play an important role in morphological theory. Syntax, 7, Subject marking in the Basque language of early simultaneous and successive bilinguals Maria-José Ezeizabarrena 1, Maialen Iraola 1,2, and Amaia Munarriz 1 / 1 U. of the Basque Country and 2 U. Konstanz Donnerstag, 14.3., Longitudinal studies on the acquisition of null S(ubject) languages have shown that null S rates are almost adult-like from very early on. In contrast, bilinguals acquiring some null S languages display some overuse of overt Ss (Haznedar 2010). In addition to the presence of overt Ss and/or S-verb agreement, case morphology turns to be relevant for agent/patient distinctions in an ergative, null S language like Basque, in which Ss of transitive predicates are overtly marked, whereas objects and Ss of intransitive predicates are both zero-marked. The high frequency of null arguments in Basque has been 243

263 Haus 6, Raum S22 AG9 considered the main cause of the delay observed in the target production of ergative marked Ss, contrasting with L1 and L2 children s ability to produce S marking on the verb inflection. Furthermore, the target-dislike performance on relative clauses attested in child L1 and in agrammatism points out the relevance of the morphological component for mastering subject and object relative clauses in developing and in impaired grammars (Munarriz et al. 2012). The current study aims to research in the bilingual patterns observed in Basque, a language without monolingual adult speakers. Several data sets of children acquiring Basque as their first language (L1) or together with Spanish (2L1) versus children exposed to it after age 2 or 3 (cl2), confirm the existence of differences between (2)L1 and cl2. Firstly, data from a Picture Selection Task show that 6-7-year-old L2 children display higher acceptance rates of overt S pronouns than L1 children (Iraola & Ezeizabarrena 2011). Secondly, results from a story retelling task by 5 to 8-year-old L1 and L2 children report that L2 8 year-olds still go through an optional ergative stage, passed through by L1 children by age 4 (Ezeizabarrena 2012). Thus, age of acquisition, as well as a lower exposure to the Basque language by L2 children may account for their difficulties in the mastery of case marking. Thirdly, the higher production of overt Ss in some elicitation tasks coincides with a higher omission rate of ergative marking generally observed in cl2, which predicts a higher production rate of apparent subject relatives instead of target object relatives in cl2 than in (2)L1. Results obtained along the different studies mentioned (on the interpretation of null and overt subject pronouns at the syntax-discourse interface, and the ergative case marking in main and relative clauses at syntax-morphology interface) will be discussed with regard to the debate on the earlier/later acquisition of the narrow syntax vs. the the interface properties involving syntax and other cognitive domains. References Ezeizabarrena, M.J. (2012), Overt subjects in early Basque and other null subject languages. International Journal of Bilingualism. DOI: / Haznedar, B. (2010), Transfer at the syntax-pragmatic interface: Pronominal subjects in bilingual Turkish. Second Language Research, 26, Iraola, M. & Ezeizabarrena, M.J. (2011), Anaphora resolution in Basque: Null vs. overt subject hura. BUCLD 35 Online Proceedings Supplement. Munarriz, A. et al. (2012), Asymmetries in the linguistic impairment of a Spanish-Basque bilingual with chronic aphasia. Paper at the NeuroPsychoLinguistic Perspectives on Aphasia Conference. Toulouse. 244

264 Haus 6, Raum S22 Impaired inflectional morphology in children with Developmental Dyslexia: converging evidence from behavioral and electrophysiological measures Chiara Cantiani 1,2, Maria Teresa Guasti 2, Paolo Perego 1, and Maria Luisa Lorusso 1 / 1 Scientific Insitute E.Medea, Bosisio Parini and 2 U. Milano-Bicocca Donnerstag, 14.3., AG9 General agreement has been reached on the presence of impaired inflectional morphology in Specific Language Impairment (SLI). Based on the widely recognized overlap between SLI and Developmental Dyslexia (DD) (e.g., Bishop & Snowling, 2004), the study of these features in DD gains theoretical and clinical relevance. Recent studies focusing on children with DD-only revealed impaired inflectional morphology in this population as well, both in production (e.g., Altmann et al., 2008) and in comprehension (e.g., Robertson & Joanisse, 2010), suggesting that the linguistic deficit in DD goes beyond the sphere of phonology. However, some issues need further investigation, in particular concerning the direct comparison between DD children with (DD+SLI) and without SLI (DD-only), and between the domains of production and comprehension. In the present study we used converging evidence to better characterize impaired inflectional morphology in a sample of Italian DD children. 32 children with DD (16 with DD-only and 16 with DD+SLI) and 16 control children (aged 8-12) were tested with a behavioral linguistic battery requiring the production of nominal and verbal inflections using words and pseudowords. In addition, sentences containing subject-verb agreement violations were auditorily presented and children were asked to judge the grammaticality of the sentences while ERPs time-locked to the critical morphemes were recorded. The behavioral results show impaired production of inflectional morphology in DD children. In particular, the deficit emerges in the inflectional manipulation of both words and pseudo-words in DD+SLI children, while it is evident only for pseudo-words in DD-only children. In comprehension, the sensitivity to subject-verb agreement violations (expressed as A score) is impaired only in the DD+SLI children group (p<.01). Interestingly, the three groups show different ERP responses to the violations: the control group shows the typical pattern associated to agreement violations (LAN+P600), the DD+SLI group shows only a non-significant Positivity, and the DD-Only 245

265 Haus 6, Raum S22 AG9 group shows a broadly distributed Negativity (p<.005), interpretable as a N400 component. These results provide us with a better understanding of the impairment in inflectional morphology in DD children with and without SLI. DD+SLI children show a pervasive disorder involving both production and comprehension. DD-only children show a more restricted deficit, involving only the production of pseudo-words. However, the difference between the two dyslexic groups is not likely to be only quantitative, since qualitatively different patterns emerge at the electrophysiological level. Based on theoretical models of morphology (e.g., Ullman, 2001), we hypothesize that the strategy reflected in the N400 is related to the retrieval of the inflected forms as stored in the lexicon. This hypothesis, coherent with the behavioral result of specific difficulties with the inflections of pseudo-words, highlights the peculiarity of the morphological impairment in DD. References Altmann LJP et al., INT J LANG COMM DIS. 2008; 43: Bishop DVM & Snowling MJ, PSYCHOL BULL. 2004; 130: Robertson EK & Joanisse MF, APPL PSYCHOLINGUIST. 2010; 31: Ullman MT, NAT NEUROSCI. 2001; 2: Cross-linguistic interaction in early L2 learners, bilinguals and trilinguals Gregory J. Poarch 1,2 and Janet G. van Hell 2,3 1 York U., 2 Pennsylvania State U. and 3 Behavioural Science Institute, U. Nijmegen Freitag, 15.3., This study focuses on cross-language interaction in bilingual and multilingual children and builds empirically on the emerging data on cross-language interaction during lexical access in adult bilinguals (e.g., Costa, La Heij, & Navarrete, 2006; Festman, 2004; Kroll, Sumutka, & Schwartz, 2005). In three experiments, we examined cross-language activation during speech production in various groups of child speakers that differed in number of languages, nonnative language proficiency, and language learning background. In Experiments 1 through 3, German 5 to 8-year-old L2 learners of English, German-English bilinguals, and German-English-language X trilinguals, named pictures in German and in English, respectively. In both language conditions, cognate status was manipulated. Of particular interest was whether the 246

266 Haus 6, Raum S22 cognate manipulation would show its effects equally in the L2 learners, the bilinguals, and the trilinguals (assuming a cognate effect to be an indicator of nontarget language activation), and whether the participants number of additional languages is reflected in naming latencies and accuracy. We found that the bidirectional cognate facilitation effect, also found in earlier studies with adult bilinguals (e.g., Costa, Caramazza, & Sebastián-Gallés, 2000), was significant in the bilinguals and trilinguals (Experiments 2 and 3) but, critically, not in the child L2 learners (Experiment 1) in whom only L1 German had an effect on L2 English. The findings demonstrate how the integration of languages into the child s system follows a developmental path that, at lower levels of proficiency, allows only limited cross-language activation. The results are interpreted against the backdrop of the developing language systems of the children, both for early second language learners and early bi- and trilinguals. AG9 References Costa, A., La Heij, W., & Navarrete, E. (2006). The dynamics of bilingual lexical access. Bilingualism: Language and Cognition, 9(2), Costa, A., Caramazza, A., & Sebastián-Gallés, N. (2000). The cognate facilitation effect: Implications for models of lexical access. Journal of Experimental Psychology: Learning, Memory, and Cognition, 26(5), Festman, J. (2004). Lexical production phenomena as evidence for activation and control processes in trilingual lexical retrieval. Unpublished doctoral dissertation. Bar-Ilan University, Israel. Kroll, J.F., Sumutka, B.M., & Schwartz, A.I., (2005). A cognitive view of the bilingual lexicon: Reading and speaking words in two languages. International Journal of Bilingualism. 9(1), Interpretation of infinitives: a first insight from high functioning autistic individuals Vikki Janke / U. Kent Alex Perovic / UC. London Freitag, 15.3., In this paper we examine the development of structural control in children with high functioning autism (HFA). We first compare canonical examples, where interpretation of the implicit agent in the infinitival complement is anticipated by the verb used in the main clause, as in (1) and (2), and then examples whose interpretations deviate from this predictable pattern, such as in (3) and (4). 247

267 Haus 6, Raum S22 1. John tried [to build a sandcastle], SUBJECT = CONTROLLER AG9 2. John persuaded Mary [to build a sandcastle], OBJECT = CONTROL- LER 3. John promised Mary [to build a sandcastle], SUBJECT = CONTROL- LER 4. John pushed Mary [while building a sandcastle], SUBJECT = CON- TROLLER The interpretation of the implicit subject in the bracketed clause is regulated by a complex of syntactic principles, including uniqueness, c-command, locality (Williams 1980; Manzini 1983; Landau 2000; Hornstein 2001; Adler 2006; Janke 2007), making them an interesting focus of study in HFA populations, who have latterly been shown to exhibit difficulty in other constructions sharing the above properties, e.g. reflexive binding, passives and raising (Perovic, Modyanova & Wexler 2012). In TD, complement control as in (1) & (2), is found in production as young as three. Onset of productive mastery of adjunct control, (4), is from five, whereas promise, (3), appears between six and seven and can cause confusion till quite late (Cohen & Lust 1993; Goodluck, Terzi & Diaz 2001; Guasti 2004). The developmental trajectory in autism is unknown. Our study examines the extent to which HFA fall in line with TD, or whether a different developmental sequence is evident, given recent literature suggesting syntax may also be impaired in this population (Eigsti & Bennetto, 2009; Perovic 2007). 22 HFA monolingual English children participated: aged 7-16 years, M= 13;06; non-verbal IQ SS M=103.95, range (Matrices subtest, Kaufman Brief Intelligence Test), British Picture Vocabulary Scales, SS M=85.64, range They were matched to a younger TD group (n=22, CA range 7-14, M=10;03) on gender and non-verbal MA (raw score of KBIT). We used a picture selection task. Data were analysed using a mixed-effects model of logistic regression, with a binomial link function (GLIMMIX). Results show ceiling performance on try (1) (M=0.99 for both groups). Problems start in double-complement structures. The starkest between-group difference is on promise, (3), HFA M=0.63 vs. TD M=0.93, although TD children also find promise most difficult. On persuade, (2), HFA children perform slightly worse than TD children (M=0.90 vs. M=0.95). We argue that locality is the most likely source of this difference, although further testing on c-command independently of locality is needed. With respect to the adjunct condition, (4), 248

268 Haus 6, Raum S22 even when locality has been mastered, HFA children still allow illicit interpretations (HFA M=0.80, TD M=0.94), indicating a problem orthogonal to syntactic restrictions on control. We suggest knowledge of restrictions on the attachments of adjuncts may be key here, in the spirit of Cairns et al (1994) and Adler (2006). AG9 Narrative performance in German children with Down Syndrome Marion Krause-Burmester / U. Düsseldorf Freitag, 15.3., Regarding Down syndrome, asynchronous patterns of linguistic development have been reported in several studies, e.g. enhanced levels of lexical skill relative to reduced levels of morphosyntax (Miller 1988, Chapman et al. 1991, Kernan & Sabsay 1996, Vicari et al. 2000, Schaner-Wolles 2004, among others). As narratives are an interface between linguistic and other cognitive capacities they are interesting to look at. Storytelling tasks provide a good context to investigate linguistic and affective expression and permit us to study the relationship of language to both cognitive abilities and social and emotional knowledge as well as discourse cohesion. In the present study I examine the complexity of narrative structures and types and frequency of evaluative devices of subjects with Down syndrome. The question that arose during the analysis was: Do these children have a concept of the story? Their performance was compared to the abilities of typically developing (TD) children. Eight subjects with Down Syndrome (aged 7;6 to 10;6) were included in this study, divided into two groups of four children with mean ages of 7;8 and 9;6. The subjects were asked to tell a story from the wordless picture book Frog, Where Are You? (Mayer, 1969). A quantitative analysis of the DS sentences showed significantly less complex syntactic structures and more problems in morphology for their utterances compared to TD controls. Analysis of story length revealed that DS subject groups tell significantly shorter stories compared to the control children. The analysis of evaluative devices (e.g., reference to the characters emotional or mental state, evaluation of an action, causal connectors, character speech) shows that children with DS used less often evaluative comments in their narratives than TD. A closer analysis of the different evaluative strategies of the two subject groups, revealed that subjects with DS more often 249

269 Haus 6, Raum S22 AG9 enrich their narratives with social engagement devices (as persons with WS do), i.e., linguistic means to capture the adressee s attention, whereas normally developing children rather relied on cognitive inferences, i.e., comments on the mental state and motivation of characters. The results show that only some of the children with seem to have a concept of the story as a whole and that half of the children are able to tell coherent stories, independent of their morphosyntactic abilities. This reveals that there is a difference between linguistic abilities and probably linguistic concepts and other cognitive concepts and that these may operate independently. Phonological processing in hearing-impaired children Sarah Breitenstein 1, Nivedita Mani 2, Barbara Höhle 1, and Ovidiu König 1 1 University of Potsdam and 2 University of Göttingen Freitag, 15.3., The phonological organization of the lexicon of normal hearing adults and infants has been investigated by using priming techniques (e.g., Meyer & Damian, 2007; Mani & Plunkett, 2011). It is assumed that priming effects are caused by co-activation of phonologically related words. This provides evidence that phonologically similarity influences lexical organization. Previous research on the development of phonological representations in hearing-impaired children indicates that phonological representations are less well organized in hearing-impaired in contrast to normal hearing children (e.g., Sterne & Goswami, 2000). However, hearing-impaired children can develop a phonological lexicon on the basis of phonological properties (onset and rhyme), although these phonological representations are often underspecified. In this paper we will present the results of an experimental study on phonological processing in hearing-impaired children. We investigated the phonological organization of the lexicon using a picture-based phonological priming technique. In two conditions (onset and rhyme), we examined whether hearing a word (e.g. Topf or Ball) guides children s eye movements toward other objects with similar-sounding names (e.g. Knopf or Baum). Separate examination of onset and rhyme priming effects allows more in-depth examination of the processes underlying word recognition in hearing-impaired children. Specifically, while some models of word recognition attribute an important role to information provided at the onsets of words (Cohort model: Marslen-Wilson, 1987), other models of word recognition accord no such 250

270 Haus 6, Raum S22 special status to the onset of the word (TRACE: McClelland & Elman, 1986; Shortlist: Norris, 1994). We tested 14 hearing-impaired children (mean age 8;7 years, range 4;6-14;6). Half of the children were using hearing aids and the other half cochlear implants or both. The age of implantation/supply was between 0;5 and 5;3 years (mean age 2;4 years). The performance of the hearing-impaired children was compared with normal hearing children (n = 14) matched for age and gender. Both the normal hearing controls and the hearing-impaired children showed a facilitation of target recognition in the onset related condition in contrast to the onset unrelated condition. Neither the normal hearing nor the hearing-impaired children showed a priming effect in the rhyme condition. Overall, the results indicate similarly organized phonological representations for the normal hearing and the hearing-impaired children, suggesting that the hearing-impaired children have a phonological system that is comparable to that of hearing children. This finding contrasts with previous findings. Factors potentially contributing to this discrepancy of our results with previous findings will be discussed. AG9 References Mani, N. & Plunkett, K. (2011). Phonological priming and cohort effects in toddlers. Cognition, 121, Marslen-Wilson, W. D. (1987). Functional parallelism in spoken word-recognition. Cognition, 25, McClelland, J. L. & Elman, J. L. (1986). The TRACE Model of Speech Perception. Cognitive Psychology, 18, Meyer, A. S. & Damian, M. F. (2007). Activation of distractor names in the picture picture interference paradigm. Memory & Cognition, 35, Norris, D. (1994). Shortlist: a connectionist model of continuous speech recognition. Cognition, 52, Sterne, A. & Goswami, U. (2000). Phonological Awareness of Syllables, Rhymes, and Phonemes in Deaf Children. Journal of Child Psychology and Psychiatry, 41, The oral language development in hearing children of deaf parents as early bilingualism Kristin Hofmann / U. Erfurt Solveig Chilla / Pädagogische Hochschule Heidelberg Freitag, 15.3., Several investigations show evidence for an atypical language development in hearing children of deaf parents (codas). Some of these studies reasoned their observations with the oral language abilities of their deaf parents or the negative influence of the sign language. These findings need reviewing, for 251

271 Haus 6, Raum S22 AG9 a lot of codas show typical language development if compared to hearing children with hearing parents. This is of major interest, for most coda parents show lower oral language abilities or do use sign language as a home language (for a review see: Poon 1997). The oral language development in hearing children of deaf parents raises a lot of theoretical questions, i.e. (i) which conditions influence deviations in the oral language development of codas?, and (ii) what characteristics can be observed in their language development? The present pilot study investigates the oral language development of codas by taking the bilingual / bimodal context into account, being thus a unique study for German. Furthermore, the validity of standardized assessment tools is explored in context of bimodal-bilingual development. Reframing previous results, we document language profiles that are in line with those of (successive) bilingual language acquisition (e. g. slower development of vocabulary). Especially with respect to the context of (bilingual-bimodal) acquisition, the oral language development patterns bilingual children with migration context (e. g. age of onset). The data come from six hearing children of deaf parents (five boys and one girl) with an age range from 3;10 to 6;4. Oral language abilities in vocabulary, morphology and syntax are assessed by the SETK 3-5, the TROG-D, and the PDSS. Furthermore the language screening HAVAS 5, being developed for bilingual children in a migration context, is applied as an additional tool. Chosen criteria of HAVAS 5 are used for assessing the competences in German Sign Language (DGS). Our results are twofold. All children demonstrate an extensive word comprehension while the production however shows slower development, especially for verbs and prepositions. All children acquire German spoken language (DLS) sentence structure, and all inflected finite verbs are target-like. There are three children, however, who show delays in the understanding of grammatical structures and questions as well as in morphosyntax (e. g. plural marking), patterning the findings from successive bilingual children with several first languages (i.e. Turkish, Polish or Russian), whereas the other three children develop comparable to simultaneous bilinguals. Some tests of the assessment tools used in our study lead to low values for the successive bilingual children, when comparing their abilities with monolingual TD-children. Using a tool evaluated for successive bilingual children, such as HAVAS-5 in both languages (DSL and DGS), all children perform like TD-bilinguals in the same age group. We conclude that codas form a specific group of a bilingual minority in Germany, being rather comparable to (successive) bilinguals 252

272 Haus 6, Raum S22 than to monolingual developing children. Furthermore, a comparison to monolingual standards which ignores the specific bilingual-bimodal acquisition context raises the risk of false conclusions in assessment and language support. References Brackenbury, T., Ryan, T. & Messenheimer, T. (2006). Incidental Word Learning in a Hearing Child of Deaf Adults. Journal of Deaf Studies and Deaf Education, 11(1), Capirci, O., Iverson, J. M., Montanari, S. & Volterra, V. (2002). Gestural, Signed and Spoken Modalities in early Language Development: The Role of Linguistic Input. Bilingualism: Language and Cognition, 5(1), Chilla, S., Rothweiler, M. & Babur, E. (2010): Kindliche Mehrsprachigkeit. Grundlagen Störungen Diagnostik. München: Ernst Reinhardt. Critchley, E. (1967). Language development of hearing children in deaf environment. Developmental Medicine and Child Neurology, 9, Daniels, M. (1993). ASL as a factor in Acquiring English. Sign Language Studies, 78, ; Funk, H. (2004). Das nicht-gehörte Kind. Die Entfaltung des Selbst von hörenden Kindern mit hochgradig hörbehinderten Eltern. Möglichkeiten der Frühförderung. Frankfurt a.m.: Brandes & Apsel. Griffith, P. L. (1985). Mode-Switching and Mode-Finding in a Hearing Child of Deaf Parents. Sign Language Studies, 48, Grüner, B. (2004). Die Sprachentwicklung hörender (Vorschul-)Kinder hochgradig hörgeschädigter bzw. gehörloser Eltern. Hamburg: Dr. Kova?. Johnson, J. M., Watkins, R. V. & Rice, M. L. (1992). Bimodal bilingual language development in a hearing child of deaf parents. Applied Psycholinguistics, 13, Mallory, B. L., Zingle, H. W. & Schein, J. D. (1993). Intergenerational Communication Modes in Deaf parented Families. Sign Language Studies, 78, Meisel, J. M. (2011). First and Second Language Acquisition. Parallels and Differences. New York: Cambridge University Press. Morgan, G. (2000). Discourse cohesion in sign and speech. International Journal of Bilingualism,4, Murphy, I. & Slorach, N. (1983). The language development of pre-school hearing children of deaf parents. British Journal of Disorders of Communication, 18, Preston, P. (1995). Mother father deaf: the heritage of difference. Soc. Sci. med., 40(11), Preston, P. (1996). Chameleon voices: interpreting for deaf parents. Soc Sci Med, 42(12), Poon, B. (1997). Oral and Manual Language development in hearing Children of Deaf Parents. Canadian Association of Educators of the Deaf and Hard of Hearing, 23(2/3), Schiff, N. B. & Ventry, I. M. (1976). Communication Problems in Hearing Children of Deaf Parents. Journal of Speech and Hearing Disorders, 41(3), Schiff-Meyers, N. B. (1982). Sign and Oral Language Development of Preschool Hearing Children of Deaf Parents in Comparison with Their Mothers Communication System. American Annals of the Deaf, 127(3), Singleton, J. L. & Tittle, M. D. (2000). Deaf Parents and Their Hearing AG9 253

273 Haus 6, Raum S22 AG9 Children. Journal of Deaf Studies and Deaf Education, 5(3), Uhlig, A. (2012). Ethnographie der Gehörlosen. Kultur Kommunikation Gemeinschaft. Bielefeld: transcript. Acquisition of story structure in German: a comparison of typically developing monolinguals and bilinguals with SLI children Natalia Gagarina, Katrin Reichenbach, and Antje Skerra Zentrum für Allgemeine Sprachwissenschaft, Berlin It had been shown that typical bilingual language acquisition might be similar to monolingual specific language impairment (SLI) (Paradis 2010; Håkansson & Nettelbladt 1996) in the domain of morphology (e.g. Loeb & Leonard 1991) and of syntax (Gillam & Johnston 1992). The present study addresses the discourse organization domain in bilingual typically developing (TD) and SLI children. Our goal is to find cues on the level of macrostructuraldiscourse organization differentiating monolingual SLI from TD bilingual children. Under Macrostructure we understand a higher-order hierarchical organisation of a text (Stein & Glenn, 1979; Liles, 1987). For the present study the new framework of the discourse macrostructure, including an initiating event, attempts and outcomes, also known as goal-attempt-outcome (GAO) sequences were used. Three levels of story structure include sequence level (Attempt-Outcome), abbreviated episode (Goal-Attempt/-Outcome) and full episode (Goal-Attempt-Outcome). Given results of the previous studies, our main hypothesis is that sequential TD bilinguals will perform better in producing the full-episode narrative structure than their monolingual peers. Further, we expect children with SLI to have more difficulties in the production/perception of mental states than TD bilinguals. The preliminary results of the macrostructure comparison in TD bilingual with SLI monolingual children confirm these hypotheses and hence fail to provide a strong support for the two of a kind assumption (Crago & Paradis 2002). Method. The elicited narratives of thirty children in 3 groups: Bilingual Russian-German TD, Monolingual German-speaking SLI and TD) with the age range: 4;05 to 6;10) were analyzed. Narratives were elicited using four sets of 6 pictures (designed by COST-Action IS0804). 254

274 Haus 6, Raum S22 Results. Story (episode) structure: The results of the story structure output showed a significant difference between the children with SLI and the bilingual and monolingual TD groups (p= ). As for structural complexity per episode, only the measure of produced AO sequences was significant between the groups (p=.01543). No significant differences were found between groups on the measure of produced abbreviated episodes (p=.9549) and full episodes (p=.4772). Mental states: No significant differences (p=.1403) were found between groups in the area of using mental state terms. The medians are: Bilinguals (Md=2), monolinguals TD (Md=2), SLI (Md=1). Comprehension questions: The measure of receptive macrostructure yielded a significant difference between the groups (p= ). Subjects with SLI produced fewer correct answers than the other groups. To sum up, (a) SLI group produced fewer complete story episodes. Our findings indicate that story structure predicts a group membership (SLI or TD); (b) We did not find any difference in encoding of mental state terms is different between the three language groups. However, the group with SLI produced fewer mental state terms than their monolingual age-peers with TD; (c) Subjects with SLI performed more poorly on receptive macrostructure than TD monolingual and bilingual groups. Children with SLI seem to have difficulty in developing a structured mental representation from narratives. From our point of view, narrative-based language assessment on macrostructural level can be perceived as a sensitive and useful instrument for disentangling bilingualism and (bilingual) specific language impairment. AG9 References Crago, M., Paradis, J. (2002). Two of a kind? Commonalities and variation in languages and language learners, in Y. Levy et J. Schaeffer (Ed.) Language competence across populations: Towards a definition of Specific Language Impairment (pp ). Mahwah, NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum Associates. Gillam, R. B. & Johnston, J. R. (1992). Spoken and written language relationships in language/learning-impaired and normally achieved school age children. Journal of Speech and Hearing Research,35, Håkansson, G. and Nettelbladt, U. (1996). Similarities between SLI and L2 children. Evidence from the acquisition of Swedish word order. In Gilbert, J. and Johnson, C., editors, Children s Language, Volume 9. Lawrence Erlbaum, Heilmann, J., Miller, J., Iglesias, A., Fabiano-Smith, L., Nockerts, A. & Andriacchi, K. (2008). Narrative transcription accuracy and reliability in two languages. Topics in Language Disorders, 28(2), MacWhinney, B. (2000). The CHILDES Project: Tools for Analyzing Talk. Volume 1: Transcription format and programs. Volume 2: The Database. Mahwah, NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum Associates. 255

275 Haus 6, Raum S22 AG9 Liles, B. Z., Duffy, R. J., Merritt, D. D. and Purcell, S. L. (1995). Measurement of narrative discourse ability in children with language disorders. Journal of Speech and Hearing Research, 38, Loeb, D. F., & Leonard, L. B. (1991). Subject case marking and verb morphology in normally developing and specifically languageimpaired children. Journal of Speech and Hearing Research, 34, Paradis, J. (2010). The interface between bilingual development and specific language impairment. Keynote article for special issue with peer commentaries. Applied Psycholinguistics, 31, Stein, N. L., & Glenn, C. G. (1979). An analysis of story comprehension in elementary school children. In Freedle, R. O. (ed.) New Directions in Discourse Processing. NJ: Ablex

276 Arbeitsgruppe 10 Modellierung Nicht-Standardisierter Schriftlichkeit AG10 Michael Beißwenger Stefanie Dipper Stefan Evert Bianka Trevisan Workshop description Non-standardized writing can be found in various contexts: for instance, when there are no generally established written language standards (e.g. in languages with an emergent writing system); when existing standards are deliberately ignored by the authors (in creative writing) or replaced by principles of verbalization that are borrowed from oral communication (e.g. when passing notes in a classroom); or when the norms of standard written language have not yet been fully acquired (as in learner texts). In particular, non-standardized writing plays an important role in research on Internet-based communication. The language used in s, online forums, chats, blogs, etc. sometimes shows significant deviations from standard written language, while exhibiting characteristics of oral language at the levels of lexicon, morphology, and syntax. Well-known phenomena include nonstandard and creative spellings, ad-hoc speedwriting, graphic emulation of prosody and emphasis, acronyms, emoticons, and written representation of non-verbal behavior. The systematic description of non-standardized writing and its structural and functional analysis are key challenges not only for research on Internetbased communication but also for data-based linguistic studies and corpus creation in many other research areas. The goal of the workshop is to shed light on this problem from the perspective of various research fields and to 257

277 Haus 6, Raum S23 explore common issues and possible solutions. The main focus is on nonstandardized writing phenomena in genres of Internet-based communication, language communities with emergent literacy, AG10 historic varieties of German, and learner texts. Majuskelschreibung in Webkorpora: Verteilung und Funktion Felix Bildhauer / FU Berlin Mittwoch, 13.3., Auf der Basis von sehr großen (> 1 Mrd. Tokens) Webkorpora (Schäfer und Bildhauer 2012) berichten wir über die Verteilung von Majuskelschreibungen in den darin erfassten Textsorten, vergleichend für Deutsch, Schwedisch, Französisch und Spanisch. Auf dieser Grundlage untersuchen wir die Funktion des hervorgehobenen Materials im jeweiligen Kontext und überprüfen die Hypothese, dass ein Großteil der Hervorhebungen der Markierung von informationsstrukturellen Unterscheidungen, insbesondere Fokus, dient. Gegen die Annahme, dass Majuskelschreibung in diesen Fällen einfach prosodische Prominenz der gesprochenen Sprache abbildet, sprechen Beispiele wie in (1) und (2), bei denen im gegeben Kontext der Akzent wohl auf einen Ausdruck nach der großgeschriebenen Form fallen würde. 1. HartzIV ist eine schreckliche Situation bei der es auch sicherlich viele Schmarotzer gibt, Männer und AUCH Frauen!!!!! 2. Und was könnte schöner sein, als dort die Meisterschaft zu holen, auch wenn es NUR die der Regionalliga ist... Wir gehen der Frage nach, ob und um welche Art von Fokus es sich handelt und wie die beobachteten Unterschiede in den untersuchten Sprachen erklärt werden können (insbesondere, ob diese auf Unterschiede in der prosodischen Markierung von Informationsstruktur zurückgeführt werden können). Sollte eine stabile Generalisierung über die Funktion von unkanonischen Majuskelschreibungen möglich sein, könnte dies als Grundlage für eine automatische Annotation von (Aspekten von) Informationsstruktur dienen, mit denen man 258

278 Haus 6, Raum S23 sich dem Desideratum nach großen, informationsstrukturell annotierten Korpora annähern würde. Referenzen Schäfer, Roland; Bildhauer, Felix (2012): Building Large Corpora from the Web Using a New Efficient Tool Chain. In: Calzolari et al., Nicoletta (ed.): Proceedings of the Eight International Conference on Language Resources and Evaluation (LREC 12). European Language Resources Association, Klitika und Apostrophschreibung in Webkorpora: Graphematik und Registerklassifikation Ulrike Sayatz and Roland Schäfer / FU Berlin Mittwoch, 13.3., AG10 Wir zeigen an Klitisierungsprozessen und zugehörigen Apostrophschreibungen im Deutschen, dass bestimmte graphematische Hypothesen zu Nichtstandard-Schreibungen erst durch Webkorpora überprüfbar werden, und dass dabei ermittelte Merkmale zur Registerklassifikation beitragen können. Wir gehen davon aus, dass im Deutschen lautliche Reduktionsprozesse standardmäßig nicht verschriftet werden (Eisenberg 2006) und daher Klitisierungsschreibungen (z.b. nen oder nen, zu einen) in standardnahen Korpora nur bei einem hohen Grammatikalisierungsgrad systematisch auftreten, vgl. zum usw. Wir zeigen anhand des DECOW2012 (9,1 Mrd. Tokens, Schäfer & Bildhauer 2012), welches zu über 20% Texte aus standardfernen Registern (fast ausschließlich Forendiskussionen und Blogs mit hohem Diskussionsanteil) enthält, dass nicht-standardkonforme Klitisierungsschreibungen (z.b. des Indefinitartikels) erwartungsgemäße graphematische Unterschiede zeigen. Diagnostisch ist dabei beim Klitikon das Apostroph als allgemeines Reparaturzeichen (Bredel 2008). Insbesondere gibt es Unterschiede zwischen als Wort reanalysierten Klitika (z.b. nen Buch), bei denen die Apostrophschreibung signifikant häufiger unterbleibt als bei Klitika, die als Reduktionsformen aufzufassen sind und deshalb des Reparaturzeichens bedürfen (z.b. n Buch). Wir diskutieren die Schreibungen mehrerer Klitisierungsphänomene, für die in der Literatur bisher keine hinreichende Evidenz präsentiert wurde. Wir zeigen, dass Klitisierungen und Apostrophschreibungen das für Forendiskussionen und Blogkommunikation typische quasi-spontansprachliche Register in Webkorpora mit großer Genauigkeit zu identifizieren helfen. Die generierten Merkmale werden in Zukunft für die automatische Anreicherung 259

279 Haus 6, Raum S23 des Korpus mit Metadaten verwendet. Referenzen Bredel, Ursula (2008): Die Interpunktion des Deutschen. Tübingen: Niemeyer. Eisenberg, Peter (2006): Grundriss der deutschen Grammatik. Das Wort. Stuttgart: Metzler. Schäfer, Roland; Bildhauer, Felix (2012): Building large corpora from the web using a new effcient tool chain. In: Calzolari, Nicoletta et al. (Hrsg.): Proceedings of LREC 12. Istanbul: ELRA, AG10 Dialektgraphien in Mundart-Ausgaben von Asterix-Comics: Systematische, kreative und Mündlichkeitsaspekte in Interaktion Klaus Geyer / U. Odense Mittwoch, 13.3., 15: In diesem Vortrag werden Dialektgraphien in Mundart-Ausgaben von Asterix- Comics analysiert. Mögen diese zunächst für die Untersuchung nichtstandardisierter Schriftlichkeit als ein etwas abgelegener Gegenstand erscheinen, so erweisen sie sich bei genauerer Beschäftigung insofern als äußerst aufschlussreich für die Fragestellungen der AG, als in den untersuchten Dialektgraphien drei wesentliche Aspekte auf komplexe Weise interagieren. So besteht erstens für Dialekte in aller Regel keine verbindlich etablierte Graphie. Parallelen zur Verschriftlichung bislang nicht verschrifteter Sprachen sind traditionell konstatiert worden (vgl. z. B. Haas 1983); dies ist jedoch vor dem Hintergrund der Entwicklung graphematischer Systeme für schriftlose Sprachen, wie sie beispielsweise in der Sprachdokumentation geschieht (vgl. Seifart 2006), einer differenzierenden Betrachtung zu unterziehen. Zweitens ist das Bezugssystem der untersuchten Dialektgraphien, wie gezeigt wird, das des Standarddeutschen. Allerdings beziehen die mundartlichen Asterix-Comics einen wesentlichen Teil ihrer genretypischen Komik gerade aus der kreativen Neuinterpretation und der gezielten sprachspielerischen Verletzung standarddeutscher Schreibprinzipien, und dies sogar in stärkerem Maße, als ausgefeiltere künstlerische Verschriftlichungen von Dialekten dies tun (vgl. Maas 1989). Und drittens stehen Comics, zumindest in der Figurenrede, der konzeptionellen Mündlichkeit nahe, sind aber im Unterschied zu Chat-und ähnlicher digital vermittelter Kommunikation hinsichtlich des Zeicheninventars nicht auf den ASCII beschränkt, sondern nutzen beispielsweise logographische Symbolisierungen zum Ausdruck von Emotionskonzepten (vgl. Garcés 2008). 260

280 Haus 6, Raum S23 Ziel des Vortrags ist es, exemplarisch die Funktionalität der unterschiedlichen Aspekte künstlerischer Dialektverschriftlichung in ihrer Interaktion darzustellen und damit zur Modellierung nichtstandardisierter Schriftlichkeit beizutragen. Referenzen Garcés, Carmen Valero (2008): Onomatopoeia and unarticulated language in the translation and production of comic books. In: Zanettin, Frederico (Hrsg.): Comics in translation. Manchester: St. Jerome, Haas, Walter (1983): Dialekt als Sprache literarischer Werke. In: Besch, Werner et al. (Hrsg.): Dialektologie: ein Handbuch zur deutschen und allgemeinen Dialektforschung. 2. Halbbd. Berlin, New York: de Gruyter, Maas, Utz (1989): Orthographische Alterität. über literarische Mundartgraphien. In: Heinemann, Sabine et al. (Hrsg.): Soziokulturelle Kontexte der Sprach und Literaturentwicklung. Festschrift für Rudolf Große zum 65. Geburtstag. Stuttgart: Heinz, Seifart, Frank (2006): Orthography development. In: Gippert, Jost; Himmelmann, Nikolaus; Mosel, Ulrike (Hrsg.): Essentials of language documentation. Berlin, New York: de Gruyter, AG10 Schriftsprachliche Variation und emergenter Standard im Übergang zur nhd. Orthographie Sandra Waldenberger / U. Bochum Mittwoch, 13.3., 16: Mitte des 17. Jahrhunderts existieren im deutschsprachigen Raum bereits etablierte überregionale Schreibusus und auch die metasprachliche Diskussion (v.a. innerhalb der Sprachgesellschaften ) zeigt zunehmend eine Ausrichtung auf Sprachrichtigkeit bis zur Normierung der Orthographie werden jedoch noch ca. 250 Jahre vergehen. Zur Beantwortung der Forschungsfrage, welche Standards insbesondere auf der graphematischen Ebene um 1650 etabliert waren und welche Variation zu beobachten ist, werden handschriftliche Quellen aus den Akten des Westfälischen Friedens nutzbar gemacht: Es handelt sich um Protokolle der Beratungen des Fürstenrats in Osnabrück (ediert in Brunert/Rosen 2001 und Brunert 2006), die in textidentischen Fassungen aus bis zu 20 unterschiedlichen Schreiberhänden vorliegen und damit prädestiniert sind für eine Analyse graphematischer (und graphophonematischer) Variation an der Schwelle zum Neuhochdeutschen (vgl. Waldenberger i.dr.). In diesem Beitrag soll zum einen das Korpus vorgestellt werden, das aus handschriftengetreuer Transkription der Protokolle und anschließender Datenaufbereitung (Abstraktion von graphischer Variation und Lemmatisierung) 261

281 Haus 6, Raum S23 entsteht, zum anderen auch erste Ergebnisse der Datenauswertung. AG10 Referenzen Brunert, Maria-Elisabeth; Rosen, Klaus (2001): Acta Pacis Westphalicae Serie III Abt. A Protokolle. Bd. 3 Die Beratungen des Fürstenrats in Osnabrück 3 (1646). Bearb. v. Maria-Elisabeth Brunert u. Klaus Rosen. Münster: Aschendorf. Brunert, Maria-Elisabeth (2006): Acta Pacis Westphalicae Serie III Abt. A Protokolle. Bd. 3 Die Beratungen des Fürstenrats in Osnabrück 4 ( ). Bearb. v. Maria-Elisabeth Brunert. Münster: Aschendorf. Waldenberger, Sandra (im Druck): Variation und Spracharbeit. Empirische Untersuchung der sprachlichen Variation in identischen Protokollen. In: Gerstenberg, Annette (Hrsg.): Sprachliche Dynamik im kommunikativen Verdichtungsraum des Westfälischen Friedenskongresses [preprint online: Linguistic annotation of text fragments in a keystroke logged translation corpus Michael Piotrowski / Leibniz Institute of European History Mittwoch, 13.3., Jacques Froger already noted in 1970: C est la question de l orthographe qui est la plus embarassante, and it is still true today that the lack of standardized orthography is one of the biggest obstacles for the computational processing of historical texts. The standard approach in computational linguistics is to treat historical spelling variation as a spelling correction problem. While approaches of this type have produced useful results for homogeneous collections of relatively recent generally printed texts (18th 19th century), they have a number of important limitations. In particular, issues related to tokenization, morphology, and semantics (viz., meaning shifts) are generally disregarded. Hence, they are not generalizable to manuscripts, older texts, and more heterogeneous text collections. In other words, we currently lack a systematic computational modeling of the spelling phenomena found in historical texts. We believe, however, that a general handling of the phenomena of nonstandardized writing requires a solid theoretical model. Currently, when processing written texts, tokens form the lowest level of analysis and the input for morphological analysis. In this talk, we want to discuss whether we need computational graphemics as a further layer of analysis below morphology, and what an implementation would have to consider. We find a number of analogies to morphology that suggest that this may indeed be a useful approach, even though it is currently a theoretical model only. For example, 262

282 Haus 6, Raum S23 spelling variation in historical texts may be extreme, but it is constrained by certain rules of graphotactics, so that spelling paradigms may be defined. References Froger, Jacques (1970): La critique des textes et l ordinateur. In: Vigiliae, Christianae 24 (3), Äh... Ähm... Filled pauses in Computer-mediated Communication Ines Rehbein, Sören Schalowski, Nadja Reinhold, and Emiel Visser / U. Potsdam Mittwoch, 13.3., AG10 The emergence of computer-mediated communication (CMC) has triggered discussions on whether CMC should be considered as conceptually oral (see the model of medial and conceptual orality and literacy by Koch/Oesterreicher, 1994) or whether other features, e.g., the fact that they are often highly edited, mark them as a conceptually written register. Our paper contributes to this discussion by investigating the use of filled pauses, a phenomenon commonly described as a characteristic of spoken language. We examine whether occurrences of filled pauses in CMC are, in fact, a marker of orality by comparing the use of äh and ähm in German microblogging data with that in a corpus of spontaneous dialogues (Wiese et al., 2012). Our study shows that filled pauses occur in both corpora as markers of hesitations, corrections, repetitions and unfinished sentences. While the overall number of occurrences is much higher in spoken dialogues (23.1 occurrences/ tokens in spoken dialogues versus 0.53 occurrences/ tokens in micro-blogs), the distribution of the four classes is fairly similar in both corpora. However, on a more fine-grained level of analysis one can detect crucial differences between the filled pauses in both registers. We exemplify these functional differences in both data sets and discuss the implications this has for the question of orality of the micro-blogging data. References Koch, Peter; Oesterreicher, Wulf (1994): Schriftlichkeit und Sprache. In: von Günther, Hartmann; Otto, Ludwig (ed.): Schrift und Schriftlichkeit. Ein interdisziplinäres Handbuch internationaler Forschung. Berlin, New York: de Gruyter, Wiese, Heike; Freywald, Ulrike; Schalowski, Sören; Mayr, Katharina (2012): Das KiezDeutsch-Korpus. Spontansprachliche Daten Jugendlicher aus urbanen Wohngebieten. In: Deutsche Sprache (40),

283 Haus 6, Raum S23 Linguistic annotation of text fragments in a keystroke logged translation corpus Stella Neumann, Paula Niemietz, and Tatiana Serbina U. Aachen Mittwoch, 13.3., AG10 This paper reports on the linguistic annotation of keystroke logging data obtained in a translation experiment examining the cognitive demand of grammatical complexity and its impact on the translation product (pilot study: Alves et al. 2010). The task was to translate a brief English popular scientific article containing 10 stimuli representing two degrees of grammatical complexity into the same register in German. Keystroke logging captures behavioral information on the translation process. Typically, visualizations of the logged process are scrutinized, or the focus is on pause-related analyses. To investigate specific linguistic patterns during the translation process, the data has to be enriched with linguistic information. This annotation is not straightforward since online text production includes various types of non-standard features ranging from immediately corrected typing errors to incorrect combinations of parts of speech corrected only later. Therefore, the chronological order of the logging data may not reflect the order of the emerging target text, resulting in a distribution of changes over various places in the logging data. For instance, in the segment die sich Physiker nicht erklären können/ *konnten the appropriate verb form is chosen only at a later stage. To provide standard annotation tools with the required cleaned data (cf. Leijten et al. 2012), we use target hypotheses known from the study of learner corpora (Lüdeling 2008): at least two competing interpretations of ambiguous cases are interactively integrated in the data. This then allows combining queries of the non-standard features in the intermediate stages with standard annotation, thus making this corpus distinct from the available ones (cf. Leijten et al. 2012). These changes have to be linked in the annotation using multiple annotation layers. We describe the technical realisation of such data enrichment drawing on and further modifying the XML output of the keystroke logging tool. References Alves, Fabio; Pagano, Adriana; Neumann, Stella; Steiner, Erich; Hansen- Schirra, Silvia (2010): Units of Translation and Grammatical Shifts. Towards an integration of product-and process-based research in translation. In: Shreve, Gregory; Angelone, Erik (ed.): Translation and Cognition. Amsterdam: Benjamins, Leijten, Mariëlle; Macken, Lieve; Hoste, Veronique; van Horenbeeck, Eric; Van 264

284 Haus 6, Raum S23 Waes, Luuk (2012): From Character to Word Level: Enabling the Linguistic Analyses of Inputlog Process Data. In: Proceedings of the Second Workshop on Computational Linguistics and Writing (CLW 2012). Avignon, France: Association for Computational Linguistics, 1 8. Lüdeling, Anke (2008): Mehrdeutigkeiten und Kategorisierung. Probleme bei der Annotation von Lernerkorpora. In: Walter, Maik Grommes, Patrick (ed.): Fortgeschrittene Lernervarietäten. Tübingen: Niemeyer, #hardtoparse: The Challenges of Parsing the Language of Social Media Jennifer Foster / Dublin City U. Donnerstag, 14.3., AG10 The emergence of social media represents a significant challenge for natural language processing researchers. How suitable are existing NLP tools, often trained on newswire and expecting grammatically well-formed input, for processing the linguistically diverse mix of genres and domains that constitutes the modern web? How robust are these tools to the non-standard forms found in unedited, casually written language? To what extent can domain adaptation techniques be used to improve performance? How important is data pre-processing and normalisation? In this talk, I will focus on the problem of syntactic parsing and describe the work carried out to date by researchers in the National Centre for Language Technology in Dublin City University on the problem of parsing the language of social media. The first half of the talk will be devoted to our experiments in parser evaluation and the second to describing our progress to date in improving parser performance. Four widely used English statistical parsers (two phrase-structure and two dependency) were used to parse 1,000 sentences from tweets and discussion forum posts. The ability of each of the four parsers to produce typed Stanford dependencies (de Marneffe et al., 2006) was compared. The relative ranking of the four parsers confirmed the results of previous Stanford-dependencybased parser evaluations on other datasets (Cer et al., 2010; Petrov et al., 2010). Furthermore, our study showed that the sentences in tweets are harder to parse than the sentences from the discussion forum, despite their shorter length and that a large contributing factor is the high part-of-speech tagging error rate. We have experimented with the following methods to improve parser accuracy: 265

285 Haus 6, Raum S23 1. Modelling the target domain, i.e. transforming the parser training data (in our case, Penn Treebank) so that it more closely resembles the data to be parsed, and then training a new parsing model (Foster et al. 2008, Foster 2010) 2. Self-training and up-training (Foster et al. 2011) AG10 3. A combination of data normalisation, parser accuracy prediction to select suitable training data (Ravi et al. 2008), genre classification, and self-training using products of random latent variable grammars (Huang et al. 2010) The third approach proved to be very effective in the recent share task on parsing English web data (Le Roux et al. 2012, Petrov and McDonald 2012). The relative strengths and weaknesses of the above three methods will be discussed and suggestions provided for further research. References Cer, Daniel; de Marneffe, Marie-Catherine; Jurafsky, Daniel; Manning, Christopher D. (2010): Parsing to Stanford dependencies: Trade-offs between speed and accuracy. In: Proceedings of LREC. de Marneffe, Marie-Catherine; MacCartney, Bill; Manning, Christopher D. (2006): Generating typed dependency parses from phrase structure parses. In: Proceedings of LREC. Foster, Jennifer; Wagner, Joachim; van Genabith, Josef (2008): Adapting a WSJ-Trained Parser to Grammatically Noisy Text. In: Proceedings of ACL-HLT. Foster, Jennifer (2010): cba to check the spelling Investigating parser performance on discussion forum posts. In: Proceedings of NAACL-HLT. Foster, Jennifer; Cetinoglu, Ozlem; Wagner, Joachim; Le Roux, Joseph; Nivre, Joakim; Hogan, Deirdre; van Genabith, Josef (2011): From News to Comment: Resources and Benchmarks for Parsing the Language of Web 2.0. In: Proceedings of IJCNLP. Huang, Zhongqiang; Harper, Mary; Petrov, Slav (2010): Selftraining with products of latent variable grammars. In: Proceedings of EMNLP. Le Roux, Joseph; Foster, Jennifer; Wagner, Joachim; Kaljahi, Rasul Samed Zadeh; Bryl, Anton (2012): DCU-Paris13 Systems for the SANCL 2012 Shared Task. In: Working Notes of the First Workshop on Syntactic Analysis of Non-canonical Language (SANCL). Petrov, Slav; Chang, Pi-Chuan; Ringgaard, Michael; Alshawi, Hiyan (2010): Uptraining for accurate deterministic question parsing. In: Proceedings of EMNLP. Petrov, Slav; McDonald, Ryan (2012): Overview of the 2012 shared task on parsing the web. In: Working Notes of the First Workshop on Syntactic Analysis of Non-canonical Language (SANCL). Ravi, Sujith; Knight, Kevin; Soricut, Radu (2008): Automatic prediction of parser accuracy. In: Proceedings of EMNLP. 266

286 Haus 6, Raum S23 Towards Parsing YouTube Comments Markus Dickinson, Mohammad Khan, and Sandra Kübler Indiana U. Donnerstag, 14.3., We parse YouTube comments, in order to determine the funniness of videos; as a first step, we need to make the data parser-compatible. Like other web 2.0 data, YouTube comments are noisy and contain elements (e.g., emoticons), which make parsing difficult; difficulties are compounded by nonstandardized spelling and domain differences from the Penn Treebank training data. To address non-standard spellings, we normalize the comments before processing. The main challenges for normalization are the heavy use of emoticons, non-standard language, acronyms, foreign language, and spelling errors. To normalize the comments: 1) we use a list of commonly-used emoticons and the number of non-alphanumeric characters to identify novel emoticons. 2) A large wordlist obtained online is used to identify non-standard language and slang. 3) Similarly, a list of acronyms also obtained online is used to identify acronyms. 4) We use GNU Aspell to correct spelling errors, but restrict the output by requiring a small Levenshtein distance between the suggested spelling and the word in question, to avoid the over-correction of proper names, which tend to have a larger distance to dictionary words. 5) Lastly, we used memory-based learning to resolve confusion sets involving missing apostrophes (ill vs. I ll). With the input text normalized, we can focus on non-lexical improvements for parsing. To improve parser accuracy across domains, we use parse corrections (Attardi and Ciaramita, 2007). I.e. we train the parser on the Penn Treebank, and then learn corrections on the DCU set of annotated Web 2.0 data (Foster et al., 2011). AG10 References Attardi, Guiseppe; Ciaramita, Massimiliano (2007): Tree revision learning for dependency parsing. In: Proceedings of HLT-NAACL 2007, Rochester. Foster, Jennifer; Cetinoglu, Ozlem; Wagner, Joachim; Le Roux, Joseph; Nivre, Joachim; Hogan, Deirdre; van Genabith, Josef (2011): From News to Comment: Resources and Benchmarks for Parsing the Language of Web 2.0. In: Proceedings of IJCNLP, Chiang Mai, Thailand. 267

287 Haus 6, Raum S23 Why learner texts are easy to tag. A comparative evaluation of part-of-speech tagging of Kobalt Marc Reznicek / HU Berlin Heike Zinsmeister / U. Stuttgart Donnerstag, 14.3., AG10 TreeTagger (Schmid 1995) is a tool that assigns part-of-speech tags and lemmas to tokens in ongoing text. The German version was trained on a collection of Standard German newspaper texts. We will present an evaluation of applying the TreeTagger to learner data from the Kobalt corpus (www.kobaltdaf.de). Kobalt contains four subcorpora with texts written by Belarus, Chinese, and Swedish foreign language learners of German (level: B2), as well as by German native speakers. Assuming that texts written by native speakers are closer to Standard German than texts written by learners, we would expect that the TreeTagger performed better on essays written by the former than by the latter. However, this expectation is not born out. In addition to a comparative error analysis, we will discuss the following factors: Types and distribution of unknown words token and part-of-speech sequences Sentence length and complexity Biases of the TreeTagger. The analysis takes into account different annotation layers besides the original texts: a layer of normalized sentences and a target hypothesis (cf. Reznicek et al., in press). References Reznicek, Marc; Lüdeling, Anke; Hirschmann, Hagen (in press): Competing Target Hypotheses in the Falko Corpus. A Flexible Multi-Layer Corpus Architecture. In: Díaz-Negrillo, Ana (ed.): Automatic Treatment and Analysis of Learner Corpus Data. Amsterdam: John Benjamins. Schmid, Helmut (1995): Improvements in Part-of-Speech Tagging with an Application to German. In: Proceedings of the ACL SIGDAT-Workshop. Dublin, Ireland. 268

288 Haus 6, Raum S23 Herausforderungen bei der Erstellung eines L1-Lernerkorpus: Lösungsvorschläge aus dem Projekt KoKo Aivars Glaznieks, Egon Stemle, Andrea Abel, and Verena Lyding / Europäische Akademie Bozen Donnerstag, 14.3., Der Vortrag stellt den iterativen Workflow zur Erstellung eines lemmatisierten, POS-getaggten und nach ausgewählten sprachlichen Merkmalen annotierten Lernerkorpus vor und geht auf Schwierigkeiten und Besonderheiten bei der Korpuserstellung mit L1-Lernertexten ein. Lernertexte weisen häufig Schreibweisen und Konstruktionen auf, die der Standardsprache nicht entsprechen. Da korpuslinguistische Verarbeitungstools gewöhnlich an einer Standardsprache ausgerichtet sind, können Lernertexte bei der automatischen Verarbeitung erhebliche Schwierigkeiten bereiten. Dadurch wird die mitunter sehr hohe Zuverlässigkeit der Tools (z. B. eines POS-Taggers, Giesbrecht & Evert 2009) erheblich herabgesetzt. Eine Herausforderung bei der korpuslinguistischen Aufbereitung von Lernertexten liegt folglich darin, ihre Merkmale im Workflow so zu berücksichtigen, dass sie trotz der Abweichungen vom Standard mit einer ähnlichen Zuverlässigkeit verarbeitet werden können wie standardsprachliche Texte. Im Projekt KoKo wurden rund 1500 Schülertexte an Oberschulen in Thüringen, Nordtirol und Südtirol gesammelt und für ein deutschsprachiges L1-Lernerkorpus ( Tokens) aufbereitet. Mit o. g. Abweichungen wurde dabei folgendermaßen umgegangen: Bereits bei der Digitalisierung der handschriftlichen Daten wurden die Transkripte mit zusätzlichen Annotationen versehen, die Orthographiefehler, okkasionelle Kurzwortbildungen, Emotikons u. ä. erfassen. Nachfolgend wurde das Korpus lemmatisiert und getaggt. In einem separaten Verarbeitungsschritt wurden mithilfe des POS- Taggers nicht automatisch verarbeitete Textmerkmale ermittelt, die anschließend entweder manuell annotiert oder dazu verwendet wurden, den Tagger neu zu trainieren. Der dadurch in Gang gesetzte iterative Prozess der Korpuserstellung ermöglicht es, die Qualität der Lemma-und POS-Annotationen des L1-Lernerkorpus sukzessiv zu verbessern. Diese iterative Herangehensweise kann auch für die mögliche Annotation weiterer Ebenen beibehalten werden (vgl. Voormann & Gut 2008). AG10 Referenzen Giesbrecht, Eugenie; Evert, Stefan (2009): Is Part-of-Speech Tagging a Solved Task? In: Proceedings of the Fifth Web as Corpus Workshop (WAC5), San Se- 269

289 Haus 6, Raum S23 bastián, Spain, Voormann, Holger; Gut, Ulrike (2008): Agile corpus creation In: Corpus Linguistics and Linguistic Theory (4-2), AG10 Orthographische Normalisierung und PoS-Tagging von Transkriptionen gesprochener Sprache Thomas Schmidt / Institut für Deutsche Sprache Donnerstag, 14.3., Nahezu alle in der Gesprächsanalyse gebräuchlichen Transkriptionssysteme (HIAT, GAT etc.) machen vom Prinzip der literarischen Umschrift Gebrauch, um normabweichende mündliche Realisierungen (allgemeine Phänomene der Mündlichkeit, dialektal bedingte Aussprachevarianten etc.) schriftlich zu repräsentieren. Dabei werden die aus dem orthographischen Regelwerk weitestgehend regelmäßig abzuleitenden Laut-Graphem-Korrespondenzen genutzt, um etwa eine von der hochsprachlichen Norm abweichende Realisierung des Wortes zweihundertfünfzig als zwohunnertfuffzich darzustellen. Im Sinne des CFP handelt es sich bei literarischer Umschrift in Transkriptionen also um ein bewusstes Ignorieren schriftsprachlicher Standards. Dem praktischen Nutzen, den die literarische Umschrift für das Erstellen und Lesen von Transkriptionen gesprochener Sprache mit sich bringt, stehen Schwierigkeiten gegenüber, die vor allem die computergestützte Weiterverarbeitung und Auswertung größerer Transkriptionskorpora betreffen. So erschwert beispielsweise die durch die literarische Umschrift bedingte Variation das Auffinden verschiedener Vorkommen ein-und desselben lexikalischen Wortes. Wie bei anderen Formen nichtstandardisierter Schriftlichkeit auch, lassen sich weiterhin automatische Methoden der Textverarbeitung (die in der Regel für standardorthographische Texte entwickelt wurden) nicht ohne weiteres auf solche Transkriptionen anwenden. Bei der Erstellung des Forschungs-und Lehrkorpus Gesprochenes Deutsch (FOLK) wird der Ebene der literarischen Umschrift daher eine zweite Ebene hinzugefügt, in der abweichenden Formen standardorthographische Formen zugeordnet werden. Weitere Annotationsebenen, insbesondere eine Lemmatisierung und ein POS-Tagging, operieren dann auf dieser normalisierten Ebene. In meinem Beitrag stelle ich zunächst eine Studie vor, in der die Probleme der orthographischen Normalisierung und eines darauf aufbauenden POS- Taggings anhand von Daten aus FOLK analysiert wurden. Anschließend präsentiere ich einen teil-automatisierten Arbeitsablauf, der im FOLK-Projekt 270

290 Haus 6, Raum S23 eingesetzt wird, um orthographische Normalisierung und POS-Tagging möglichst effizient für größere Datenmengen umzusetzen. Explaining the unexplainable On the challenges of transliterating Arabic based script Meikal Mumin / U. Köln and U. Napoli L Orientale Donnerstag, , This paper highlights some of the issues encountered in the editing of a collected volume on Arabic script as used for African languages and presents a cross-linguistic system of transliteration for Arabic based script, as implemented within that volume (Mumin & Versteegh ed., in press). Traditional standards of transcribing/transliterating Arabic script into Latin/ Roman script were geared towards representation of (Modern standard) Arabic as a single and (orthographically) standardized source language. Arabic based script as used in Africa is not orthographically standardized neither for individual languages or varieties, nor across (groups of) languages. Accordingly, a system was developed which aims to render every unit of the graphic stream in a coherent and ideally (to a human) transparent way. The aim was to represent grammatological systems at a supra-orthographical level independent from the contained linguistic systems, to enable cross-linguistic comparison of grammatological features even without expert knowledge of Arabic script. The present paper will exemplify some of the problematic factors encountered, such as orthographic derivation (creation of new letters based on others), featurality (auto-semantics of derivational processes), calligraphy (graphic vs. orthographic variation), linearity (effects of spatial orientation of writing), and positionality (relative positioning of graph(eme)s within a wordform). AG10 References Mumin, Meikal; Versteegh, Kees (ed.) (in press): The Arabic script in Africa. Studies in the use of a writing system. 271

291 Haus 6, Raum S23 From transcribed speech to visual ethnolinguistic repertoires in four stages: writing pidgin and creole languages in diasporic web forums Christian Mair / U. Freiburg Freitag, 15.3., AG10 The paper is based on the analysis of three very large (> 15 million words) corpora of computer-mediated interaction in diasporic web forums from the Caribbean and West Africa. The corpora are multi-dialectal and multi-lingual as Jamaican Creole and varieties of West African Pidgin English are used alongside English (and other languages). On the basis of these data, a fourway typology of non-standard writing is proposed: 1. vernacular transcription, 2. vernacular performance, 3. vernacular as resource for anti-formal styling, 4. vernacular as resource for the construction of visual ethnolinguistic repertoires. While these four types of digital vernaculars are arranged in descending order of mimetic closeness to offline interaction, it will be shown that they are all authentic and rich data for sociolinguistic analysis in third-wave (Eckert 2005, 2008) and repertoire (e.g. Benor 2010) approaches. The crucial factor is that varieties which have in the past been largely restricted to spontaneous face-to-face interaction are now contributing to a pool of globally circulating linguistic resources which can be used for a range of ethnic and cultural style repertoires. The talk will further present N-CAT, the Freiburg-developed Net- Corpus Administration Tool, which offers a range of visualisation options designed to facilitate the analysis of language patterns in large masses of data. References Benor, Sarah B. (2010):Ethnolinguistic repertoire: shifting the analytic focus in language and ethnicity. In: Journal of Sociolinguistics (14), Eckert, Penelope (2005): Three waves of variation study: the emergence of meaning in the study of variation. eckert/pdf/threewavesofvariation.pdf. Eckert, Penelope (2008): Variation and the indexical field. In: Journal of Sociolinguistics (12),

292 Haus 6, Raum S23 Korpusbasierte Analyse internetbasierter Kommunikation: Phänomene und Herausforderungen Thomas Bartz and Angelika Storrer / TU Dortmund Freitag, 15.3., Der Produktion schriftlicher Äußerungen in Genres internetbasierter Kommunikation (z. B. in sozialen Netzwerken, in Wiki-Diskussionen und Weblogkommentaren, in Online-Foren, Chats, Instant Messaging und auf Twitter) unterliegt häufig eine Schreibhaltung, die weniger auf das Verfassen elaborierter Texte als auf die Produktion von Beiträgen im Rahmen dialogischer Interaktion gerichtet ist. An der sprachlichen Oberfläche wirkt sich dies in zahlreichen nicht-standardkonformen Schreibungen aus. Werkzeuge für die automatische Analyse und Annotation schriftlicher Sprachdaten, die i. d. R. an Zeitungstexten trainiert wurden, lassen sich daher gegenwärtig nur sehr bedingt für den Umgang mit solchen Schreibungen und für den Aufbau linguistisch annotierter Korpora zur internetbasierten Kommunikation einsetzen. Der Vortrag macht einen empirisch fundierten Vorschlag zur Systematisierung von Phänomenen nicht-standardkonformer Schriftlichkeit in der internetbasierten Kommunikation. Die Datengrundlage bilden schriftliche Dialoge aus den oben genannten Genres, die u.a. im Rahmen des Projekts Deutsches Referenzkorpus zur internetbasierten Kommunikation (DeRiK; Beißwenger et al. 2012) erhoben wurden. Für ausgewählte Datenbeispiele und Phänomentypen wird gezeigt, wie existierende Werkzeuge für die automatische Analyse und Annotation mit den beschriebenen Phänomenen umgehen. Ausgehend von den präsentierten Befunden werden konkrete Desiderata und Modellierungsperspektiven formuliert, die für die korpusbasierte linguistische Analyse internetbasierter Kommunikation und für den Bereich der sprachtechnologischen Auswertung von Webkorpora gleichermaßen von Interesse sind und deren Bearbeitung Gegenstand aktueller Forschungs-und Entwicklungsarbeit an der Schnittstelle von Linguistik, Korpuslinguistik und Computerlinguistik ist. AG10 Referenzen Beißwenger, Michael; Ermakova, Maria; Geyken, Alexander; Lemnitzer, Lothar; Storrer, Angelika (2012): DeRiK: A German Reference Corpus of Computer- Mediated Communication. In: Proceedings of Digital Humanities dh2012.uni-hamburg.de/conference/programme/abstracts/derik-a-german-referencecorpus-of-computer-mediated-communication/ 273

293 Haus 6, Raum S23 AG10 Linguistische Annotation von Dokumenten internetbasierter Kommunikation eine explorative Analyse Kay-Michael Würzner 1, Lothar Lemnitzer 2, Alexander Geyken 2, and Bryan Jurish 2 1 U. Potsdam and 2 Berlin-Brandenburgische Akademie der Wissenschaften Freitag, 15.3., Am Digitalen Wörterbuch der deutschen Sprache (DWDS) wird eine Kette von Werkzeugen für die linguistische (Vor-)Verarbeitung von Korpora eingesetzt (www.dwds.de). Diese Korpora repräsentieren im Wesentlichen schriftliche Standardsprache des Deutschen im 20. und frühen 21. Jahrhundert. Die verwendete Kette von Werkzeugen (Tokenizing, morphologische Analyse, Wortartentagging) erzielt eine Performanz und Akkuratheit, die für eine relativ große Datenmenge (ca. 2,5 Milliarden Token) notwendig und ausreichend ist. Es ist jedoch notwendig, schon um der sprachlichen Wirklichkeit im frühen 21. Jahrhundert gerecht zu werden, Texte der internetbasierten Kommunikation bei der Fortschreibung des Korpus zu berücksichtigen. Diese weichen z. T. deutlich von der schriftsprachlichen Norm ab. Im Rahmen des Projekts Deutsches Referenzkorpus zur internetbasierten Kommunikation (De- RiK; Beißwenger et al. 2012) werden zurzeit Texte aus verschiedenen Genres der internetbasierten Kommunikation gesammelt, die einen breiten Bereich auf der Skala zwischen (konzeptueller) Schriftlichkeit und Mündlichkeit abdecken. Die mehr oder weniger ausgeprägte Dialogizität dieser Texte und die Sprachspiele unter Verwendung des schriftlichen Mediums stellen für alle Teile der automatischen linguistischen Vorverarbeitung eine Herausforderung dar (Giesbrecht und Evert 2009). Es ist zu erwarten, dass die auf standardsprachlichen Texten trainierten Annotationswerkzeuge für diese Aufgabe unzureichend sind und verbessert werden müssen. Diese Hypothese soll anhand von vorhandenen Korpora zur internetbasierten Kommunikation (z.b. Dortmunder Chatkorpus) und der an der BBAW akquirierten Daten überprüft werden. Es wird ein kleines Korpus manuell segmentiert und annotiert, um eine Referenz für das Benchmarking der automatischen Werkzeuge hinsichtlich ihrer Akkuratheit zur Verfügung stellen zu können. In unserem Vortrag werden wir unser Trainingskorpus vorstellen und über erste Ergebnisse der explorativen Analyse unserer Tools für die linguistische 274

294 Haus 6, Raum S23 (Vor-)Verarbeitung berichten. Referenzen Beißwenger, Michael; Ermakova, Maria; Geyken, Alexander; Lemnitzer, Lothar; Storrer, Angelika (2012): DeRiK: A German Reference Corpus of Computer- Mediated Communication. In: Proceedings of Digital Humanities dh2012.uni-hamburg.de/conference/programme/abstracts/derik-a-german-referencecorpus-of-computer-mediated-communication/ Giesbrecht, Eugenie; Evert, Stefan (2009): Part-of-speech tagging a solved task? An evaluation of POS taggers for the Web as corpus. In: Alegria, Iñaki; Leturia, Igor; Sharoff, Serge (ed.): Proceedings of the 5th Web as Corpus Workshop (WAC5), San Sebastian, Spain. AG10 (Kein) liberaler Umgang mit der orthographischen Norm. Empirische Befunde zur schriftlichen Alltagskommunikation Christa Dürscheid and Simone Ueberwasser / U. Zürich Freitag, 15.3., Dass sich in Texten der schriftlichen Alltagskommunikation zahlreiche Phänomene nichtstandardisierter Schriftlichkeit finden, scheint zunächst unbestritten. Im Vortrag werden wir diese Perspektive umkehren und die Frage stellen, ob es Bereiche gibt, in denen keineswegs ein liberaler Umgang mit der orthographischen Norm vorherrscht. Wir beschränken uns dabei auf die Orthographie solcher Texte, die als SMS via Mobilfunkgerät verschickt wurden, ziehen zum Vergleich aber auch Pinnwandeinträge aus der Facebook- Kommunikation heran. Als Ausgangspunkt dient die Frage, welche Regelbereiche der deutschen Orthographie vom normfernen Schreiben besonders tangiert und welche Bereiche eher normstabil sind. Zur Illustration dient das Schweizer SMS-Korpus, zu dem ein Subkorpus deutschsprachiger SMS gehört, das dialektale sowie 7228 nicht-dialektale SMS umfasst (vgl. Stähli et al. 2011). Dabei gehen wir von der Annahme aus, dass sich in diesen Daten auf stilistischer Ebene zwar viele Merkmale konzeptioneller Mündlichkeit finden, dass es auf orthographischer Ebene aber weitaus weniger Abweichungen von der standardisierten Schriftlichkeit gibt. Im Vortrag werden wir diese Annahme an Stichproben aus dem deutschsprachigen Subkorpus überprüfen und in diesem Zusammenhang auch aufzeigen, welche Herausforderungen sich stellen, wenn ein Korpus privater Alltagsschriftlichkeit (mit knapp Tokens) mittels computerlinguistischer Tools erschlossen werden soll (vgl. Ueberwasser 2012). Dazu gehört das Einfügen einer glossierten Ebene, auf der jedem Token ein standardsprachliches äquivalent zuge- 275

295 Haus 6, Raum S23 AG10 wiesen wird, denn nur so ist es möglich, weitere Annotationsebenen (z.b. Part-of-Speech Tagging, morphologische Annotation, syntaktische Annotation) teilautomatisiert zu erstellen. Eine weitere Möglichkeit ist, Annotationen mit Hilfe einer externen Software manuell durchzuführen und in das Korpus zu integrieren. Abschließend wird gezeigt, welche Desiderata bestehen bleiben, wenn man in einem derart aufbereiteten Korpus komplexe Suchabfragen durchführen möchte. Referenzen Stähli, Adrian; Dürscheid, Christa; Béguelin, Marie-José (ed.) (2011): SMS-Kommunikation in der Schweiz: Sprach-und Varietätengebrauch. In: Themenheft Linguistik Online (48), 4/11 Ueberwasser, Simone (2012): Non standard data in Swiss text messages with a special focus on dialectal forms. In: Diwersy, Sascha et al. (ed.): Proceedings of the Workshop on Automatic Processing of Non-Standard Data Sources in Corpus-Based Research, Cologne 2012 (ZSM-Studien 5). Aachen: Shaker (zur Publikation eingereicht). Reserveliste Andersschreibungen luxemburgischer jugendlicher auf digitalen Pinnwänden Luc Belling / U. Luxemburg Die luxemburgische Sprache besitzt innerhalb ihres eigenen Landes eine ganz besondere Stellung. Durch das Nebeneinander der Nationalsprache Luxemburgisch mit den beiden Amtssprachen Deutsch und Französisch bietet sich in Luxemburg eine multilinguale Situation. Besonders in der Schule wird die Erlernung der beiden Amtssprachen gefördert, wogegen die luxemburgische Orthographie in der heutigen Zeit nur noch sehr rudimentär gelehrt wird. Durch Aufkommen sozialer Netzwerke wie Facebook hat die luxemburgische Schriftsprache jedoch einen regelrechten Aufschwung erlebt. Die überwiegend jungen Nutzer gebrauchen die Plattform, um sich in Chats, privaten Nachrichten und auf digitalen Pinnwänden auszutauschen. Der Beitrag beschreibt am Beispiel erster Befunde aus einer empirischen Untersuchung die Besonderheiten im Sprachgebrauch luxemburgischer Jugendlicher bei der Kommunikation auf digitalen Pinnwänden. Fokussiert wird dabei zum einen auf Phänomene nichtstandardisierter Schriftlichkeit und zum anderen auf Schwierigkeiten bei der Analyse und Beschreibung der untersuchten Daten. 276

296 Haus 6, Raum S23 Anhand von Beispielen werden sprachliche Besonderheiten auf verschiedenen grammatischen Beschreibungsebenen dargestellt. Im Bereich der Typographie und Orthographie wird die Anwendung kreativen Schriftgebrauchs sowie netztypischer Schreibweisen untersucht. Auf der Ebene der Morphosyntax werden u.a. klitisierte Wortformen, sowie elliptische Schreibweisen analysiert. Beim Lexikon stehen multilinguale Einschübe (im Besonderen: Code Switching-Praktiken) und die Verwendung typisch gesprochensprachlicher Diskurspartikeln im Mittelpunkt. Die Darstellung des sprachlichen Repertoires wird zusätzlich darlegen, inwieweit der Sprachgebrauch durch die Rahmenbedingungen des Genres Pinnwand-Kommunikation beeinflusst wird. AG10 Oral Strategies in Online User Feedback Monika Eller / U. Heidelberg The way language use in computer-mediated communication is represented in public discourse as a threat to the English (or German) language may well be an unjustified exaggeration, yet there is no denying the fact that many forms of Internet-based communication exhibit characteristics that set it apart from standard written language. Most prominent among these are characteristics linked to oral communication. In my paper I work with a corpus consisting of comments left during a six week interval on the newspaper websites of The Guardian and The Times, analysing such oral features as regards their form and function. The data reveal that the features encountered largely consist of two types: those that have been taken over directly from oral conversation (e.g. on the syntactical and lexical level) and those that have no equivalent in spoken language but are used to mimic face-to-face conversation in written interaction (such as different types of respellings, representations of auditory and visual information, or features used to simulate an interactive face-to-face speech situation). This study is supplemented by a comparison of the findings to a reference corpus of traditional letters to the editor (written in reaction to the same articles as the comments of the CMC corpus) and is thus not only able to compare the patterns across the media, but also to reveal whether the particularities are due to the communicative form (online comments as a form of computer-mediated communication vs. written letters to the editor as a form of traditional written communication) or rather due to the communicative function fulfilled. Contrasting the level of adherence to standard written language in the two corpora, I will also make suggestions as to why comment writers use oral strategies and what kind of effect this has on the overall interaction. 277

297 Haus 6, Raum S23 AG10 Korpusgesteuerte Syntaxanalysen von Lernersprache Hagen Hirschmann / HU Berlin Der Vortrag stellt zwei Ansätze zur qualitativ-quantitativen Syntaxanalyse von Lernertexten vor und erörtert hiermit die generelle Problematik korpusbasierter Analysen von Lernersprache. Das spracherwerbstheoretische Thema ist der Gebrauch von Präpositionalobjekten bei Lernenden des Deutschen als Fremdsprache (DaF), konkretisiert durch folgende Fragestellungen: 1. (a) Inwiefern stellen Präpositionalobjekte für Lernende des DaF ein Spracherwerbsproblem dar wie häufig werden hier ungrammatische Strukturen erzeugt? (b) Wie unterscheidet sich der grammatische Gebrauch von Präpositionalobjekten bei fortgeschrittenen Lernern des DaF vom muttersprachlichen Gebrauch? Hieraus erwächst die folgende methodische Fragestellung: 2. Wie können mittels automatischer und manueller Verfahren Präpositionalobjekte in einer Sprache identifiziert werden, die im Bereich der verbalen Komplementierung nicht immer der zielsprachlichen Grammatik gehorcht? Als Datengrundlage dient das Falko-Korpus1, ein Lernerkorpus mit Essaytexten fortgeschrittener DaF-Lernender sowie Vergleichsdaten deutscher Muttersprachler. Lernersprache kann aus zwei grundlegenden Perspektiven beschrieben werden: Entweder werden Verstöße gegen das System der Zielsprache analysiert ((1) a.), oder der Gebrauch systemkonformer sprachlicher Elemente wird kontrastiv zum zielsprachlichen Gebrauch untersucht ((1) b.). Diese Analysemethoden heißen nach Granger (z. B. 2008) Computer-Aided Error Analysis (CEA) und Contrastive Interlanguage Analysis (CIA). Beide Methoden werden meistens direkt auf die Lernersprache angewendet. Der Vortrag zeigt, dass dieses Vorgehen mit Blick auf die Fragestellungen (1) a. und b. scheitert. Als methodische Lösung dient eine Vermittlungsebene, die häufig Zielhypothese genannt wird. Das Konzept der Zielhypothese ist jedoch nicht spezifisch für Lernersprache, sondern anwendbar auf jede nicht-standardisierte Sprache, die mit standardsprachlichen Kategorien beschrieben werden soll. 278

298 Haus 6, Raum S23 Zu den spracherwerbstheoretischen Fragestellungen werden Ergebnisse vorgestellt. Referenzen Granger, Sylviane (2008): Learner corpora. In: Anke Lüdeling; Merja Kytö (Hrsg.): Corpus Linguistics. An International Handbook. Vol 1. Berlin: de Gruyter, Schreibererziehung und nicht standardisierte Schriftlichkeit Armin Hoenen / U. Frankfurt In diesem Paper soll die folgende Hypothese untersucht werden: Schreiber, die ihren Schrifterwerb in einem Kontext nicht standardisierter Schriftlichkeit vollzogen haben, tendieren dazu, das gesamte Spektrum an ihnen bekannten Schreibungen für alle variaten Wörter oder Phoneme abzubilden. Van Berkel (2006) beschreibt die Rechtschreibung des Englischen und führt die Termini Basisschreibung sowie kontextuelle Schreibungen für Phoneme ein. Hier wird diese Terminologie im Kontext nicht standardisierter Schriftlichkeit verwendet. Die Basisschreibung für ein Wort w wird dabei analog zu van Berkels phonematischer Basisschreibung so definiert, dass sie die größte Häufigkeitsklasse für die Schreibung eines Wortes bei einem Schreiber (in einem Text), also die häufigste Variante (mit einer Häufigkeitskennzahl) bezeichnet. Die Kongruenz der Basisschreibungen zu einem späteren Standard sowie die Verteilung der restlichen Varianten im Text in Bezug auf deren Häufigkeit und durchschnittlichen Abstand sollen untersucht werden. Als Gegenstand werden zwei mittelalterliche Texte, sowie zwei Texte Hugo von Hofmannsthals herangezogen. In letzteren kann zudem der Einfluss der zweiten deutschen orthographischen Konferenz (1901) im Vergleich von Frühwerk und Spätwerk analysiert werden, um den Prozess und die Auswirkungen von Standardisierung mikroskopisch genauer zu verstehen. AG10 Referenzen Van Berkel, Ans (2006): The role of the phonological strategy in learning to spell in English as a second language. In: Cook, Vivian J.; Bassetti, Benedetta (ed.): Second Language Writing Systems. Clevedon: Multilingual Matters,

299 Die Sprache der Sprachwissenschaftler Rund 5000 Einträge und 1000 Einzelsprachen Der gesamte Fachwortschatz der Lingu istik. Den Schwerpunkt bilden gram ma tische Begriffe aus Phonologie, Morpho logie, Syntax und Semantik. Aber auch Fachtermini aus der Historischen Sprach wissenschaft und aus inter dis zi plinären Arbeitsfeldern, wie z. B. Spracherwerbs forschung und Sozio linguistik, sind erfasst. Mit Artikeln zu einzelnen Sprachen und Sprach gruppen sowie Beiträgen zur Angewandten Lingu istik, Computerlinguistik und Konstruk tionsgrammatik. Glück (Hrsg.) Metzler Lexikon Sprache 4., aktual. und überarb. Auflage S., 40 s/w Abb., 12 farb. Karten. Geb. 34,95 ISBN

300 Arbeitsgruppe 11 Interface Issues of Gestures and Verbal Semantics and Pragmatics Cornelia Ebert Hannes Rieser AG11 Workshop description This workshop aims at investigating speech-accompanying gestures and their relation to the speech signal. As is widely accepted, gestures in particular speech-accompanying iconic ones can express semantic content. Speech and gestures are said to work together to convey one single thought (McNeill 1992, Kendon 2004) and the semantic content of gestures is intertwined with the semantic content of the speech signal. Gestures can be co-expressive (displaying the same semantic content as the speech signal) or complementary (expressing additional information). An intriguing question that is not settled yet is how gesture meaning and speech meaning interact. Gestures are often only interpretable in combination with their accompanying speech symbols (Kopp et al 2004, Lascarides & Stone 2006). The strong interaction of gesture channel and speech channel has thus been interpreted in such a way that information from the two channels is mapped to one single logic representation (e.g. in Rieser 2008, Kopp et al 2004). It is, however, evident that the pieces of information from the different channels are of different nature and that gesture information seems to be backgrounded in some sense or other (cf. Giorgolo & Needham 2011). Furthermore, it is well-known that gestures are also temporally aligned with the speech signal in a certain way, i.e. the stroke of the gesture falls together with the main accent of the gesture-accompanying sentence (McNeill 1992). This fact has been interpreted as an indication that gestures (beats in 281

301 Haus 6, Raum S24 particular) can take over information structural tasks and serve to mark focus domains (Ebert, Evert & Wilmes 2011). In this workshop we want to follow up on the recent development to investigate gestures under formal semantic and pragmatic aspects. Speech-gesture Interfaces. An Overview Hannes Rieser / U. Bielefeld Mittwoch, 13.3., AG11 Using theory of grammar tools for description of gesture is not popular among researchers trading in gestural matters. There is, however, an obvious link between gesture research and formal description of language and information: the notion of meaning. Given that we want to get at the meaning and function of gesture, we need a clear notion of meaning and this is not to be had disregarding philosophical, logical and semantic work in the meaning realm. Another link between formal theorizing and gesture research is bound up with the idea that gesture and speech interact: gesture emphasises, specifies or complements the semantics of speech, i.e. gesture and speech interface. The interface machinery useful in this context is a data structure bound to grammar allowing for the exchange of information, viz. the respective meanings of gesture and speech. Along these general lines the talk provides an overview on interface structures in recent research. We shortly introduce McNeill s ideas (1992, cf. Röpke 2011) on this topic and proceed treating proposition-bound interfaces based on Lambda calculus (Rieser 2009/10), Montague Grammar (Giorgolo 2010, Röpke et al. 2013) and HPSG (Lücking 2011, Lascarides and Alahverdzhieva 2010). There have also been various attempts to embed speech-gesture interfaces in dynamic theories of discourse and dialogue, most prominently Lascarides und Stone (2009) using SDRT, and Poesio and Rieser s (2009) approach extending the dialogue model of Poesio and Traum (1997). The following is among the questions of interest touched: Where is the interface situated, is it, e.g. located within grammar or does it constitute an external domain of its own? What are the interface s formal properties, i.e. how is it organized and represented? How is it tied up with the rest of the grammar? Furthermore, which notion of meaning is used to explicate gesture meaning? What is the effect of gesture meaning and meaning of speech: what do they achieve individually and collectively? Finally, a sum-up on the answers to these questions is presented completing the overview. 282

302 Haus 6, Raum S24 References Alahverdzhieva, K. and A. Lascarides (2010). Analysing Language and Co-verbal Gesture in Constraint-based Grammars. In: Proceedings of 17th Conference on HPSG. Paris, pp Giorgolo, G. (2010). Space and Time in Our Hands. LOT Utrecht. Lascarides, A. und M. Stone (2009). A Formal Semantic Analysis of Gesture. In: JofS, pp Lücking, A. (2013). Ikonische Gesten. Grundzüge einer linguistischen Theorie. Berlin, De Gruyter Mouton. Rieser, H. (2010). Factoring Out a Gesture Typology from the Bielefeld Speech-Gesture-Alignment Corpus. In: Proceedings of GW Berlin: Springer, pp Rieser, H. (2011a). Gestures Indicating Dialogue Structure. Proceedings of SEMdial 2011, Los Angeles, California. Rieser, H. (2011b). How to Disagree on a Church-Window s Shape Using Gesture. In Festschrift für Janos Sandor Petöfi. Münster: LIT Verlag, pp Rieser, H. and Poesio, M. (2009). Interactive gesture in dialogue: a PTT model. In Proceedings of the SIGDIAL 2009 Conference, pp Röpke, I. (2011). Watching the growth point grow. In: Proceedings of the Second GESPIN Conference AG11 Gestures at the Semantcs-Pragmatics Interface Gianluca Giorgolo / King s College, London Mittwoch, 13.3., In this talk I will address the issue of how to best formally model the informational contribution of gesture with respect to our current understanding of verbal meaning. I will take for granted that gestures are used, both consciously and unconsciously, to convey information and that listeners make use of the information conveyed by gestures when decoding the messages of speakers. The open question is how this integrated interpretation is achieved and how we can model it given the toolkit offered by formal semantics. I will start by overviewing a number of proposals in the literature that present alternative implementations of a unified semantics for verbal language and gestures. Some of these proposals feature a more semantic approach (e.g. Giorgolo [2010]) while other have a more pragmatic oriented point of view (e.g. Lascarides and Stone [2009]). I will explore the relevance of the distinction between lexical and compositional semantics and pragmatics for the issue of gesture semantics. In particular I will analyse the issues we face when modelling the semantic contribution of gestures in light of current developments in formal semantics that clarify the relationship between semantics and pragmatics and that point towards a multilayered picture of meaning contributions [Stanley, 2000, Potts, 2007]. I will reanalyse the results of Giorgolo and Needham [2012] according to this view and compare how gestures behave with respect to linguistic phenomena, such as presuppositions and different 283

303 Haus 6, Raum S24 kinds of implicatures, that also live at the border between semantics and pragmatics. The talk will not try to offer a final answer regarding the best way to model gesture meaning contribution. Instead, I will present what I believe are interesting open questions and how we can best tackle them combining theoretical insights and experimental work. AG11 References Gianluca Giorgolo. Space and Time in our Hands. volume 262 of LOT Publications. LOT, Utrecht, Gianluca Giorgolo and Stephanie Needham. Pragmatic constraints on gesture use: The effect of downward and non entailing contexts on gesture processing. In: Maria Aloni, Vadim Kimmelman, Floris Roelofsen, Galit Sassoon, Katrin Schulz, and Matthijs Westera, editors: Logic, Language and Meaning, volume 7218 of Lecture Notes in Computer Science, pages Springer Berlin Heidelberg, Alex Lascarides and Matthew Stone. A Formal Semantic Analysis of Gesture. Journal of Semantics, 26(4): , Christopher Potts. The expressive dimension. Theoretical Linguistics, 33(2): , Jason Stanley. Context and logical form. Linguistics and Philosophy, 23: , Interfacing Speech and Co verbal Gesture: Exemplification Andy Lücking / U. Frankfurt Mittwoch, 13.3., The informational significance of iconic gestures is said to be bound up with resemblance or iconicity. However, there are serious problems with the notion of denotation via iconicity. For instance, the denotation relation and the resemblance relation have different logical properties (Goodman 1976). Accordingly, an alternative conception of iconic signs has been developed by Goodman (1976), namely the exemplification account. The key idea is to regard iconic signs as things onto which verbal predicates are applied; the iconic sign is then said to exemplify these predicates. According to this conception gestures are treated as movements and need not be transsubstantiated into denotative signs; they are kept metaphysically intact, as required by Hahn and Rieser (2012). In multimodal discourse, gestures are interpreted within the context of their accompanying speech their verbal affiliates. The affiliate contributes the predicates that are exemplified by the gesture, given rise to cross-modal structures ( speech-gesture ensembles (Kendon, 2004)). In order to give a more precise model, exemplification is spelled out as unification between the gesture s form and a conceptual component of the 284

304 Haus 6, Raum S24 meaning of predicates within a HSPG like grammar framework. Predicates related to spatio-temporal entities carry an explicit representation of their descriptive content, called conceptual vector meanings (CVMs). Iconic gestures are treated as physical acts. Following the vector model of biological movements (Johansson 1973), gestural movements are modelled in terms of vector representations. Vectorised gestures can unify with the conceptual vector meanings of verbal elements. As a simple example, consider round: if the vectorised gesture performs a vector sequence that makes up a circular path (tag 7 in (1)), this gesture can unify with the CVM of the predicate round in order to constitute a speechand-gesture ensemble. The gesture from (1) selects for a verbal affiliate AFF that has to be phonetically marked (cf. Alahverdzhieva and Lascarides 2010). (1) sg-ensemble INDEX i form-pred CONT 3 RELN round2 RESTR 5 ARG i [ ] VEC axis-path(i,v) CVM PATH 7 ( 360(v)) S-DTR G-DTR verbal-sign [ ] PHON 1 ACCENT 6 CONT 3 gesture-vec [ [ ] ] AFF 1 PHON ACCENT 6 marked TRAJ 7 UP RT UP RT [ ] MODE exemplification CONT EX-PRED 5 AG11 References Alahverdzhieva, Katya and Alex Lascarides (2010). Analysing Language 285

305 Haus 6, Raum S24 AG11 and Co-verbal Gesture in Constraint-based Grammars. In: Proceedings of the 17th International Conference on Head-Driven Phase Structure Grammar (HPSG). Ed. by Stefan Müller. Paris, pp Goodman, Nelson (1976). Languages of Art. An Approach to a Theory of Symbols. 2nd ed. Idianapolis: Hackett Publishing Company, Inc. Hahn, Florian and Hannes Rieser (2012). Non-Compositional Gestures. In: Proceedings of the International Workshop on Formal and Computational Approaches to Multimodal Communication under the auspices of ESSLLI 2012, Opole, Poland, 6-10 August. Ed. by Gianluca Giorgolo and Katya Alahverdzhieva. Johansson, Gunnar (1973). Visual Perception of Biological Motion and a Model for its Analysis. In: Perception Psychophys. 14, pp Kendon, Adam (2004). Gesture: Visible Action as Utterance. Cambridge, MA: Cambridge University Press. Creating multimodal utterances: The syntactic and semantic integration of gestures into speech Silva H. Ladewig / U. Frankfurt (Oder) Mittwoch, 13.3., Gesture studies most often focuses on multimodal utterances in which gesture and speech are used in temporal overlap. Empirical studies concentrating on naturally occurring conversations have shown that, in these cases, gestures can be structurally as well as functionally integrated into the accompanying spoken utterance. They can adopt syntactic functions of adjectives or adverbs, modifying the semantic information expressed in speech (e.g., Bressem 2012, Fricke 2012). But what about cases in which gestures replace speech? Do they also adopt syntactic functions of verbal constituents and do they interact with the semantics of an utterance that precedes or follows them? The study aiming at an answer of this question is based on 20 hours of video data from different discourse types (naturally occurring conversations, experimental data, or TV-shows). It examined interrupted spoken utterances that expose a syntactic gap occupied by a gesture. (Ladewig 2012) In the first analytical step the semantic integration of gestures was investigated: Syntactic analyses revealed that gestures are not inserted in all kinds of syntactic gaps (see e.g., Slama-Cazacu 1976) but occupy preferably the positions of nouns and verbs, taking over the functions of objects or predicates. Furthermore it was found that, contrary to the assumptions proposed in the literature, not emblems were deployed most often to substitute speech (e.g., McNeill 1992) but representational gestures. In the second step of analysis the semantic integration of gestures was examined: Experiments conducted with 286

306 Haus 6, Raum S24 observers of these multimodal utterances demonstrated that representational gestures are capable of conveying meaning on their own without speech ( inherent meaning Ladewig & Bressem fc., see also Kopp et al. 2004) that helps establish a conceived reference object. Moreover it was found that speech and gesture interact in such a way that the syntactic position foregrounds information conveyed by a gesture namely the information of an entity or THING (Langacker 1987) in noun positions, depicted by the hand shape in gestures and the information of an action or PROCESS (ibid.) in verb positions, depicted by the gestural movement. Following a linguistic-semiotic approach to gestures (e.g. Müller 1998, in press) the study aims at discovering the gestures potential for language (ibid.) and at identifying processes involved in the meaning making construal of multimodal utterances. Furthermore, it takes a step towards identifying the principles that govern a multimodal grammar (Fricke 2012). AG11 References Bressem, J. (2012). Repetitions in gesture: Structures, functions, and cognitive aspects. Faculty of Social and Cultural Sciences: European University Viadrina, Frankfurt (Oder). Dissertation Thesis. Bressem, J., & S.H. Ladewig (2011). Rethinking gesture phases articulatory features of gestural movement? Semiotica 184(1/4), Fricke, E. (2012). Grammatik multimodal. Wie Wörter und Gesten zusammenwirken. Berlin u.a.: Mouton de Gruyter. Ladewig, S.H. (2012) Syntactic and semantic integration of gestures into speech: Structural, cognitive, and conceptual aspects. Faculty of Social and Cultural Sciences: European University Viadrina, Frankfurt (Oder). Dissertation Thesis. Ladewig, S.H., & J. Bressem (forthcoming). New insights into the medium hand Discovering structures in gestures on the basis of the four parameters of sign language, Semiotica. Langacker, R.W. (1987). Foundations of cognitive grammar: Theoretical Prerequisites. Stanford: Stanford University Press. Kopp, S., P. Tepper, & J. Cassell (2004).Towards integrated microplanning of language and iconic gesture for multimodal output. Proceedings of the 6th international conference on Multimodal interfaces. State College, PA, USA. ACM, Müller, C. (1998). Redebegleitende Gesten: Kulturgeschichte, Theorie, Sprachvergleich. Berlin: Arno Spitz. Müller, C. (in press/2013) Linguistics: Gestures as a medium of expression. In: Müller, Cornelia, Alan Cienki, Ellen Fricke, Silva H. Ladewig, David McNeill and Sedinha Teßendorf (Eds.), Body Language Communication: An International Handbook on Multimodality in Human Interaction. Volume 1. Handbooks of Linguistics and Communication Science. Berlin, New York: Mouton de Gruyter. Slama-Cazacu, T. (1976). Nonverbal components in message sequence: Mixed syntax. In: W.C. McCormack & S.A. Wurm (Eds.) Language and man: Anthropological issues. The Hague: Mouton,

307 Haus 6, Raum S24 The audiovisual integration of speech and different gesture types Caro Kirchhof and Jan de Ruiter / U. Bielefeld Mittwoch, 13.3., AG11 Listeners attend to the gestures of the speaker while they are listening to natural speech. They process the visual and auditory signals simultaneously. Research on multimodal language perception has so far mainly focused on how far speech and lip movements may be desynchronized and still be perceived as belonging together, i.e. integrated by the listener. The temporal window in which this audiovisual integration (AVI) is still natural lies between about 250 ms of one modality preceding the other; offsets larger than 500 ms in either direction are perceived as unnatural (van Wassenhove et al. 2007; cf. Massaro et al. 1996). Recent ERP studies have shown that co-occurring gesture strokes and words are similarly integrated by the listener at least up to an auditory delay of 160 ms (Habets et al. 2011; Özyürek et al. 2007). In two series of studies we investigated which levels of asynchrony between gestures and their conceptual affiliates are still acceptable for listeners. In three consecutive online studies subjects were shown sentence-long clips of narrators in frontal view (Kirchhof 2011). The videos were desynchronized at six levels between -600 ms and +600 ms, with 0ms as control. A second and third condition had blurred faces/ a box covering the head. 618 German native speakers rated the perceived naturalness of 9327 stimuli on a 4-point Likert scale. In the lips-visible condition, the stimuli with the speech +200 ms before the gesture and the gesture 600ms before the speech were rated as rather natural by over 70% of the subjects, which is consistent with van Wassenhove et al. (2007, v.s.). In the two obscured-head conditions over 65% of subjects rated all levels of asynchrony as natural. Based on the results of the perceptual judgment tasks, 20 subjects re-synchronized stimuli of gestures in the media-synchronization mode of ELAN in a second pair of studies, head-obscured condition only (Kirchhof 2012). The aim here was to investigate the perceptual preferences of the subjects, i.e. which levels of asynchrony still felt natural to them. Two desynchronized cause-effect stimuli of a hammer hitting a nail and of fingers snapping were used as base line, 15 iconic gesture stimuli followed. The resulting synchronizations show a distribution for the cause-effect stimuli, with a range of -978 ms (video first) to +442 ms (audio first), p<.01. The range for the gesture stimuli is ms (gesture first) to +754 ms (speech first), p<

308 Haus 6, Raum S24 To study how this range of AVI might be related to gesture categories, three emblematic, four deictic, and six iconic stimuli were used as stimuli in the second execution of the perceptual preference task, as well as six causeeffect ones. The 20 subjects set a range between video first -250 ms (gesture first) +400 ms (audio first) for the physical stimuli, p<.01. The ranges for the iconic gestures were similar at video/audio first ± 750 ms, p<.001. These results support the prior study as well as Massaro et al. (1996). The emblematic and deictic gestures showed ranges closer to the cause-effect stimuli. It can be concluded that the language perception system is very tolerant of both semantic and temporal asynchrony, which is surprising, given the high degree of synchronization achieved in production (e.g. McNeill 1992). References Habets, B., Kita, S., Shao,.Z, Özyürek, A., & Hagoort, P. (2011). The role of synchrony and ambiguity in speech-gesture integration during comprehension. Journal of Cognitive Neuroscience, 23(8), Kirchhof, C. (2012). On the audiovisual integration of speech and gesture. Presented at the ISGS 2012, July 2012, Lund, Sweden. Kirchhof, C. (2011). So What s Your Affiliation With Gesture? Proceedings of GeSpIn, 5-7 Sep 2011, Bielefeld, Germany. Massaro, D. W., Cohen, M. M., & Smeele, P. M. T. (1996). Perception of asynchronous and conflicting visual and auditory speech. Journal of the Acoustical Society of America, 100 (3), McNeill, D. (1992). Hand and mind: What gestures reveal about thought. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. Özyürek, A., Willems, R. M., Kita, S., & Hagoort, P. (2007). On-line integration of semantic information from speech and gesture: Insights from event-related brain potentials. Journal of Cognitive Neuroscience, 19(4), Van Wassenhove V., Grant K. W., & Poeppel D. (2007). Temporal window of integration in auditory visual speech perception. Neuropsychologia, 45, AG11 Work on a Gesture Form Typology including a Motion-Capture Study Julius Hassemer / U. Aachen Mittwoch, 13.3., This presentation provides a typology of gesture form informed by analyses of video and three-dimensional Motion-Capture data. This systematic description of gesture form is seen as a necessary prerequisite to an in-depth analysis of the complex interaction of gesture and speech semantics, both for traditional gesture scholars and for computational scientists interested in the leap from gesture form to gesture function. 289

309 Haus 6, Raum S24 AG11 In form-based gesture analyses, hands are often described in terms of parameters such as location, configuration, and motion (Stokoe 2005, Calbris 1990, Kendon 2004, Müller 1998, Bressem to appear). These parameters describe the articulator form, which is the form of the hands in motion or held still. In contrast, this paper proposes the concept of gesture form as articulator form interpreted through cognitive-semiotic strategies such as modes of representation (Müller 1998), practices (Streeck 2008), and metonymic modes (Mittelberg & Waugh 2009). More specifically, gesture form is a consequence of certain cognitive principles operating on the articulator form. For instance, if someone holds her right hand statically in central gesture space, index and thumb extended, slightly curved, other fingers curled in, gesture form can be the result of the operation of the following three gesture form principles : a) Articulator profiling : profiling the index and thumb as the active articulator (a three-dimensional portion of the three-dimensional body); b) Shape profiling : profiling one shape aspect of the three-dimensional articulator (a zero-to three-dimensional shape aspect); c) Enclosing : enclosing a shape that is defined on one to three dimensions (or axes) (Hassemer et al. 2011; cf. topological dimensions: Talmy 2000, Chapter 3). To investigate gesture form, 27 participants were recorded describing nine differently shaped physical objects. Immediately afterwards, they viewed a mute video of their recordings and had to report the kind of curvature conveyed by their own hand shapes. This paper focuses on two types of gestures, in which the index and thumb are profiled in different ways, resulting in different gesture forms and hence fulfilling distinct functions: one indicating the distance between finger pads (measure gesture); the other outlining a circular shape with the inner surface of index and thumb (shape gesture; cf. Sowa & Wachsmuth 2005:146). In these two gesture types principle (a) works likewise by profiling the index and the thumb, whereas principles (b) and (c) work distinctly: Measure gesture: 290 b) Profiling the tactile surfaces (2D) of the index and thumb pads c) Enclosing a shape that is defined along one axis only (1D)

310 Haus 6, Raum S24 Shape gesture: b) Profiling the whole inner surfaces (2D) of index and thumb c) Enclosing a shape that is defined on two axis (2D) AG11 Illustration of the three principles of a measurement gesture (above) and a shape gesture (below) resulting in a shape defined in one and two dimensions respectively. The study tests whether these two types can be distinguished systematically by participants reports and Motion Capture angle/curvature measurements. References Bressem, J. (to appear). Notating Gestures Proposal for a Form Based Notation System of co-verbal gestures. In: Body Language Communication / Körper Sprache Kommunikation. Vol. 1. Handbücher zur Sprach- und Kommunikationswissenschaft / Handbooks of Linguistics and Communication Science. Mouton de Gruyter. Calbris, G. (1990). The semiotics of French gestures (p. 264). Indiana University Press. Kendon, A. (2004). Gesture: Visible Action as Utterance. Cambridge University Press. Mittelberg, I., & Waugh, L. R. (2009). Metonymy first, metaphor second: A cognitive-semiotic approach to multimodal figures of thought in co-speech gesture. In C. Forceville, E., Urios-Aparisi (Eds.), Multimodal metaphor(pp ). Mouton de Gruyter. Müller, C. (1998). Redebegleitende Gesten. Kulturgeschichte Theorie Sprachvergleich (Vol. 1). Berlin-Verlag Spitz. Sowa, T., & Wachsmuth, I. (2005). A Model for the Representation and Processing of Shape in Coverbal Iconic Gestures. (K. R. Coventry, T. Tenbrink, & J. A. Bateman, Eds.) 291

311 Haus 6, Raum S24 Spatial Language and Dialogue, pp Oxford University Press. Stokoe, W. C. (2005). Sign Language Structure: An Outline of the Visual Communication Systems of the American Deaf. Journal of Deaf Studies and Deaf Education, 10(1), Streeck, J. (2008). Depicting by gesture. Gesture, 8 (3), Talmy, L. (2000). Toward Cognitive Semantics Vol. I Concept Structuring Systems. MIT Press. AG11 Gestural repetitions and the construction of multimodal utterance meaning Jana Bressem / U. Frankfurt (Oder) Mittwoch, 13.3., Research investigating the relevance of gestures in forming a multimodal utterance meaning has shown that gestures contribute to the semantics of an utterance in a range of was. Gestures may replace verbal information (Ladewig 2012), emphasize what has been uttered verbally, modify the meaning expressed in speech or even create a discrepancy between the verbal and the gestural meaning (e.g., Gut, Looks, Thies et al. 2002; Kendon 2004). Moreover, research suggests that the semantic relation of speech and gesture seems to be reflected in the temporal alignment of both modalities, so that the closer speech and gestures are related semantically, the closer is their temporal relation. (Bergmann, Aksu, and Kopp 2011) Yet an analysis investigating the semantic relation and function of gestures in cases of longer sequences and in close temporal and linear succession is still missing. In our talk, we will address gestural repetitions within preparation-stroke and stroke-stroke sequences, which are characterized by the maintenance of at least two form parameters such as hand shape ore movement, and show that they have particular semantic relations and functions, which are reflected in the gestures temporal and syntactic coordination with speech. Our analysis rests upon a study investigating 23 hours of video data from different discourse types (e.g., naturally occurring conversations, debates, political discussions), in which, based on 895 strokes, two types of gestural repetitions were identified, namely iterations and reduplications (Bressem 2012).Semantic and syntactic analyses revealed that iterations and reduplications differ in their relevance for the creation of a multimodal utterance meaning: While reduplications only depict abstract meaning and emphasize the semantics of the verbal utterance, iterations depict concrete and abstract meaning and have the ability to affect the propositional content of speech by adding information not expressed in speech. Moreover, while the majority of 292

312 Haus 6, Raum S24 repetitions occur in temporal overlap with the co-expressive speech segment and in doing so take over emphasizing function by expressing redundant semantic features, adding information through the expression of complementary semantic features as well the temporal pre-positioning of gestures is restricted to iterations depicting concrete actions and objects. In these cases, iterations are semantically integrated into the verbal utterance by modifying the semantics of the verbal utterance either with respect to the size and shape of object or to the manner of actions. Dependent on their alignment with the syntax of speech, they may either function as gestural attributes (Fricke 2012) or as adverbial determinations (Bressem 2012) and as such are structurally and functionally integrated into the accompanying spoken utterance. Thus, gestural repetitions, that is longer gestural sequences, not only differ in their temporal relation with the co-expressive speech segment but also, and maybe even more importantly, in their semantic and syntactic relation and function to the verbal utterance. Using a linguistic-semiotic approach to gestures (Bressem and Ladewig 2011; Fricke 2007; Müller 1998), the study offers a further step in understanding the relation of speech and gesture by examining a particular gestural phenomenon and its role in the creation of multimodal utterance meaning. In doing so, the study adds to understanding gestures potential for language (Müller 1998, forthcoming) as well as the nature and principles of a multimodal grammar (Fricke 2012). AG11 References Bergmann, Kirsten, V. Aksu and Stefan Kopp (2011). The Relation of Speech and Gestures: Temporal Synchrony Follows Semantic Synchrony. Paper presented at the 2nd Workshop on Gesture and Speech in Interaction-GESPIN,Bielefeld, Germany. Bressem, Jana (2012). Repetitions in gesture: Structures, functions, and cognitive aspects. Faculty of Social and Cultural Sciences: European University Viadrina, Frankfurt (Oder). PhD Thesis. Bressem, Jana and Silva H. Ladewig (2011). Rethinking gesture phases: articulatory features of gestural movement? In: Semiotica 184 (1-4): Fricke, Ellen (2007). Origo, Geste und Raum: Lokaldeixis im Deutschen. Berlin: Walter de Gruyter. Fricke, Ellen (2012). Grammatik multimodal: Wie Wörter und Gesten zusammenwirken. Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter. Gut, Ulrike, Karin Looks, Alexandra Thies and Dafydd Gibbon (2002) Cogest: Conversational gesture transcriptionsystem version 1.0. Fakultät für Linguistik und Literaturwissenschaft, Universität Bielefeld, ModeLex Tech. Rep 1. Kendon, Adam (2004). Gesture. Visible action as utterance. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Ladewig, Silva H. (2012). Syntactic and semantic integration of gestures into speech: Structural, cognitive, and conceptual aspects. Faculty of Social and Cultural Sciences: European 293

313 Haus 6, Raum S24 University Viadrina, Frankfurt (Oder). PhD Thesis. Müller, Cornelia (1998). Redebegleitende Gesten: Kulturgeschichte, Theorie, Sprachvergleich. Berlin: Arno Spitz. Müller, Cornelia (forthcoming) Linguistics: Gestures as a medium of expression. In: Müller, Cornelia, Alan Cienki, Ellen Fricke, Silva H. Ladewig, David McNeill and Sedinha Teßendorf (eds.), Body Language Communication / Körper Sprache Kommunikation. Handbücher zur Sprach-und Kommunikationswissenschaft / Handbooks of Linguistics and Communication Science. Berlin, New York: Mouton de Gruyter. AG11 Does gestural and verbal redundancy speed reference resolution in five-year-olds? Hannah Sowden / U. Leeds Catherine Davies / U. Nottingham Mittwoch, 13.3., This study investigates the effect of referential redundancy in five-year-old comprehenders across gestural and spoken modalities. Referring expressions are frequently found to be over-informative, e.g. describing a target referent as the big plate when there is a lone plate in the context. Facilitative effects of redundant expressions have been found in nine-year-olds, but not five-year-olds (Sonnenschein, 1982). More recently, five-year-olds have been found sensitive to redundant expressions, penalising over-informative expressions (Davies & Katsos, 2010) and reacting more slowly to these types of verbal cues (Morisseau et al., under review). Gesture provides an alternative modality in which to provide redundancy. By the age of five children benefit from redundant iconic gestures in comprehension of instructions (McNeil, Alibali, and Evans, 2001) and integrate complementary information gleaned from speech and gesture into a semantically holistic utterance (Sekine, Sowden and Kita, under review). We are interested in teasing apart any facilitative or inhibitory effect stemming from the provision of more spoken or gestural information than is minimally required for uniquely identifying a referent. We measured reaction times for identifying a target referent in three experimental conditions: (1) redundant speech, (2) redundant gesture, (3) redundant speech and gesture. A fourth, control condition contained no redundancy. Verbal redundancy was achieved by including a semantically true yet pragmatically redundant adjective in the referring expression (e.g. the round plate ) and gestural redundancy was achieved by the speaker producing a reinforcing gesture conveying size or shape. Arrays depicted four referents each 294

314 Haus 6, Raum S24 of a different nominal and adjectival class, thus rendering both types of modification unnecessary for identifying the target. The target referent had one of four attributes (big, small, round, square) and three accompanying distracters represented one of the other attributes not shown by the target. A video of a speaker appeared in the centre of the screen, with each referent in the surrounding quadrants. Participants were asked to C). Preliminary data show an additive speeding effect of redundant speech and gesture relative to the nonredundant control condition. We also see shorter latencies relative to the control condition for both single-modality redundant conditions (1 and 2), though there were no differences between these conditions. References Davies, C. and Katsos, N. (2010). Over-informative children: Production/comprehension asymmetry or tolerance to pragmatic violations? Lingua, 120 (8), McNeil, N. M., Alibali, M. W., & Evans, J. L. (2001). The role of gesture in children s comprehension of spoken language: Now they need it, now they don t. Journal of Nonverbal Behavior, 24(2), Morisseau, T., Davies, C. and Matthews, D. (under review) How do 3-and 5-year-olds respond to over-and under-informative utterances? Sonnenschein, S. (1982). The effects of redundant communication on listeners -when more is less. Child Development, 53(3), Sekine, K., Sowden, H. and Kita, S (under review) Five-year-olds, but not threeyear-olds, integrate information in speech and iconic gesture in comprehension AG11 Interface Constructions for Gestures Accompanying Verb Phrases Insa Röpke, Florian Hahn, and Hannes Rieser / U. Bielefeld Mittwoch, 13.3., We currently focus on gestures accompanying verb phrases in route-descriptions aiming at the reconstruction of their semantics and pragmatics and showing how they interface with verbal meaning. Our research is based on a systematically annotated corpus, called SaGA, the Bielefeld Speech-and-Gesture Alignment-corpus (Luecking 2012). It consists of 25 dialogues of dyads engaged in a communication about a bus ride through a Virtual Reality town. One participant of each dyad has done this ride and describes the route and sights passed to the other participant. This taped conversation is annotated in a fine-grained way. Especially due to our work with this corpus, we are aware of the fact that gesture use is bound to dialogue and interlinked with dynamic phenomena such as the use of anaphora. However, at present we abstract from these 295

315 Haus 6, Raum S24 things. Using interface methodology, we concentrate on the static semantics of speech-gesture occurrences. The idea for our interface construction is as shown below: Speech Meaning Gesture Meaning Interface: Multi-modal Meaning AG11 Compositional interface construction Assuming that gesture and speech share the same aboutness, we aim at constructing a multi-modal proposition. We provide first a compositional semantics for the speech part and a compositional semantics for the gesture part. Both are extended for interfacing and subsequently fused into the interface proper, also built up compositionally. Here, the speech representation overrides gesture representation due to scopal considerations. The interface provides the multi-modal meaning for the speech-gesture occurrence, hence, the idea of a unified semantics is maintained. However, due to the workings of the interface procedure, we also get independent semantics for the speech part, the gesture part and the function of the interface. The compositionality is modelled using typed lambda calculus and ideas from Combinatory Logics. We develop two routes to provide semantic representations for speech-gesture occurrences, one is a Montague-Parsons line based on event ontology and the other one a Montague-Reichenbach track exploiting higher order techniques. One of these will be exemplified in the talk. Depending on our example we will also tackle questions of formal pragmatics. In our future research we will extend our descriptive tools and move on to Dynamic Semantics and dialogue theory since our corpus consists of dialogues. Acknowledgments: This work has been supported by the German Research Foundation (DFG) and has been carried out in the CRC 673 Alignment in Communication. References Andy Lücking, Kirsten Bergmann, Florian Hahn, Steufan Kopp and Hannes Rieser Journal on Multimodal User Interfaces. Data-based Analysis of Speech and Gesture: The Bielefeld Speech and Gesture Alignment Corpus (SaGA) 296

316 Haus 6, Raum S24 and its Applications. Springer, Berlin/Heidelberg. Terence Parsons Events in the Semantics of English. A Study in Subatomic Semantics. MIT Press, Cambridge, Massachusetts. Hans Reichenbach Elements of Symbolic Logic. The Macmillan Company, New York. Richmond H. Thomason (Ed.) Formal Philosophy. Selected Papers of Richard Montague. Yale University Press, New Haven and London. Identifying linguistic and neural levels of interaction between gesture and speech during comprehension using EEG and fmri Dr. Henning Holle / U. Hull Mittwoch, 13.3., Conversational gestures are hand movements that co-occur with speech but do not appear to be consciously produced by the speaker. The role that these gestures play in communication is disputed, with some arguing that gesture adds only little information over and above what is already transmitted by speech alone. My own work has provided strong evidence for the alternative view, namely that gestures add substantial information to the comprehension process. One level at which this interaction between gesture and speech takes place seems to be semantics, as indicated by the N400 of the Event Related Potential. I will also present findings from a more recent study that has provided evidence for a syntactic interaction between gesture and speech (as indexed by the P600 component). Finally, fmri studies suggest that areas associated with the detection of semantic mismatches (left inferior frontal gyrus) and audiovisual integration (left posterior temporal lobe) are crucial components of the brain network for co-speech gesture comprehension. AG11 297

317 Stefan Müller Grammatiktheorie [Stauffenburg Einführungen, Bd. 20] 2. Auflage 2012, XIV, 521 Seiten, kart. ISBN ,80 In dieser Einführung werden verschiedene formale Grammatiktheorien kurz vorgestellt, die in der gegenwärtigen Theoriebildung eine Rolle spielen oder wesentliche Beiträge geleistet haben, die auch heute noch von Relevanz sind (Phrasenstrukturgrammatik, Transformationsgrammatik/Government & Binding, Generalized Phrase Structure Grammar, Lexical Functional Grammar, Kategorialgrammatik, Head-Driven Phrase Structure Grammar, Konstruktionsgrammatik, Tree Adjoining Grammar). Christian Fandrych / Betina Sedlaczek I need German in my life Eine empirische Studie zur Sprachsituation in englisch sprachigen Studiengängen in Deutschland Unter Mitarbeit von Erwin Tschirner und Beate Reinhold [Schriften des Herder-Instituts, Bd. 1] 2012, 182 Seiten, kart. ISBN ,80 Verena Thaler Sprachliche Höflichkeit in computervermittelter Kommunikation [Stauffenburg Linguistik, Bd. 70] 2012, 236 Seiten, kart. ISBN ,80 Vivien Heller Kommunikative Erfahrungen von Kindern in Familie und Unterricht Passungen und Divergenzen [Stauffenburg Linguistik, Bd. 67] 2012, X, 307 Seiten, kart. ISBN , Miriam Morek Kinder erklären Interaktionen in Familie und Unterricht im Vergleich [Stauffenburg Linguistik, Bd. 60] 2012, 311 Seiten, kart. ISBN ,80 Laurent Gautier Frame-Semantik Eine Einführung in Theorie und Praxis [Stauffenburg Einführungen, Bd. 26] Frühjahr 2013, ca. 300 Seiten, kart. ISBN ca. 24,80 Die Einführung zielt darauf ab, auf die theoretischen Quellen und Hintergründe der Frame-Semantik einzugehen, das Modell auf die Objektsprache Deutsch anzuwenden und die mit der Entwicklung korpuslinguistischer Ansätze verbundenen praktischen Anwendungsmöglichkeiten exemplarisch zu dokumentieren. Jörg Meibauer Pragmatik [Stauffenburg Einführungen, Bd. 12] Nachdruck der 2., verbesserte Auflage , 208 Seiten, kart. ISBN ,50 Alexander Lasch / Alexander Ziem (Hrsg.) Konstruktionsgrammatik III Aktuelle Fragen und Lösungsansätze [Stauffenburg Linguistik, Bd. 58] 2011, 282 Seiten, kart. ISBN ,80 Özlem Tekin Grundlagen der Kontrastiven Linguistik in Theorie und Praxis [Stauffenburg Linguistik, Bd. 64] 2012, 224 Seiten, kart. ISBN ,80 Colette Cortès (Hrsg.) Satzeröffnung Formen, Funktionen, Strategien [Eurogermanistik, Bd. 31] 2012, 248 Seiten, kart. ISBN , Veronika Kotůlková / Gabriela Rykalová (Hrsg.) Perspektiven der Textanalyse [Stauffenburg Linguistik, Bd. 62] 2011, 350 Seiten, kart. ISBN ,50 Stauffenburg Verlag Brigitte Narr GmbH Postfach D Tübingen

318 Arbeitsgruppe 12 Perspectives on Argument Alternations Ljudmila Geist Giorgos Spathas Peter de Swart Workshop description The past few years have witnessed the rapid growth of literature explaining argument alternations such as dative alternation, locative alternation, conative alternation and antipassives. In such alternations semantic prominence is known to correlate with morphosyntactic prominence (Levin and Rappaport 1988: 25): the argument realized as a direct object is more semantically prominent than its oblique counterpart, which can be realized in a number of different ways depending on the type of alternation. The term semantic prominence comprises different features such as topicality, discourse accessibility and affectedness. Following predicate-decompositional approaches (Jackendoff 1976, Koenig and Davis 2006, inter alia), morphosyntactic differences such as direct/oblique can be traced back to different underlying event structures and depth of the embedding of the argument. Alternative approaches such as entailment-based approaches (Dowty 1991, Ackerman and Moore 2001) derive morphosyntactic prominence of arguments from the prototypicality of the thematic role: oblique arguments are less prototypical role fillers than direct objects. For Beavers (2010) less prototypical corresponds directly to underspecification of the thematic role. In this workshop we want to explore different perspectives for capturing the relative semantic prominence of arguments in constructions allowing semantically induced argument alternations in different languages. In particular, we want to discuss the following issues: AG12 299

319 Haus 6, Raum S24 What are the restrictions on the availability of particular alternations in terms of the verb classes and NP-types (e.g. animate, definite) that can be involved? What types of semantic prominence are triggered by what alternations and why? What is the semantic contribution, if any, of the oblique marker? Are any of those alternations manifested also in nominalizations where internal arguments are already syntactically demoted? Do morphosyntactic alternatives always differ in meaning? AG12 Semantically restricted alternations for change of state verbs Alexandra Anna Spalek / U. Pompeu Fabra Donnerstag, 14.3., Causative verbs like Spanish romper break have been claimed to be underspecified for the thematic nature of the causing participant, which can range from agents, instruments and natural causes, to events (1a) (Levin & Rappaport Hovav, 1995; Mendikoetxea 1999). These verbs allow for the omission of the causing argument and regularly appear in the anticausative variant (1b). (1.) a. Juan/ el hacha/ el huracán/ el peso de los libros/ la Juan/ the axe/ the hurricane/ the weight of the books/ the explosión rompió la mesa. explosion broke the table. b. La mesa se rompió. The table REFL broke. It has also been acknowledged that for certain object choices causative verbs like romper do not appear in the anticausative variant (Levin & Rappaport- Hovav, 1995; Piñón, 2011). (2.) a. Rebecca rompió su promesa. Rebecca broke her promise. b. #Su promesa se rompió. Her promise REFL broke. 300

320 Haus 6, Raum S24 The difference in morphosyntactic alternations has been explained by postulating two separate entries for break (Levin & Rappaport-Hovav, 1995; Piñon, 2011), the equivalent to Spanish romper, and thus distinguishing between concrete and abstract breaking events, the latter of which Piñón claims lacks the anticausative alternation. Data extracted from corpus however proves that the anticausative alternation is possible for all kinds of physical objects (1) as well as a whole range of abstract objects (3), an observation that calls into question Piñón s (2011) distinction: (3.) a. La crisis inmobiliaria rompió el desarrollo económico de España. The housing crisis broke the economic development of Spain. b. El desarrollo económico de España se rompió. The development of Spain broke. To avoid multiplicity of senses, I provide a unified analysis for Spanish break romper, based on 1) the human intervention as a manner restriction and 2) the affectedness of the theme. I show that the necessary human intervention is a way of expressing the manner of causation (for Guerssel et al., 1985 and Levin & Rappaport Hovav, 1995) and illustrate that it is the theme s lack of affectedness that plays a role in triggering some romper-vps to be agentive. Alternating romper-vps describe a true change of state in the theme, since they regularly pass affectedness tests, like the ones used in Beavers, (2011). In contrast to that in non-alternating romper-vps the theme remains whole throughout the breaking event, as illustrated in (4) and the event describes rather the change in the status of the agent with respect to a state denoted by promesa or ley. AG12 (4.) Juan rompió la promesa/ley, pero fue el único. Juan broke the promise law, but he was the only one. This in turn correlates with the lack of an anticausative variant (5): (5.) *Lo que le pasó a la promesa/ley es que se rompió. What happened to the law is that it broke. 301

321 Haus 6, Raum S24 AG12 Impersonalization as an Alternation Leonard H. Babby / Princeton U. James E. Lavine / Bucknell U. Donnerstag, 14.3., Virtually all potentially agentive, two-place predicates in Russian realize the non-theme argument either as an Agent, on one hand, or as an oblique Instrument or Natural Force, on the other. It is argued here that we need only stipulate in argument structure the underspecification of the source of causation (Alexiadou & Schäfer 2006; Ramchand 2008; Beavers & Zubair 2010) namely, that the Agent alternates freely with an internal oblique argument and that the Impersonalization alternation can otherwise be explained syntactically. In a structure that accommodates volitional and non-volitional causation in the form of two distinct v-heads (Folli & Harley 2005; Pylkkänen 2008), the non-theme argument can either merge high, as the Agent of v-voice, or low, in which case a VP-internal oblique argument with causative semantics identifies v-cause, an accusative probe. Oblique causation is accompanied in Russian by impersonal morphology (IMP). It follows that accusative appears freely in dyadic unaccusatives, so long as the non-theme argument is sufficiently causative to set the event in motion (Lavine 2010). We refer to these predicate types as Transitive Impersonals. The Impersonalization alternation is exemplified in Russian in (1a-b). (1a) gives the high reading, in which the non-theme argument is realized as Agent; in the Impersonal (1b), the non-theme argument is realized as an internal oblique Natural Force, giving an out-of-human-control reading -precisely the purpose of the Impersonal (Babby 1994): (1.) Russian Impersonal Alternation: vyžeč burn, with Agentive Transitive in (1.)a and Transitive Impersonal (dyadic unaccusative) in (1.)b a. Malč ik vyžeg na grudi obraz Putina. boy:nom.m burned:m on chest image:acc of-putin The boy branded an image of Putin on his chest. b. Travu vyžglo solncem. grass:acc burned:imp sun:inst The grass was scorched by the sun. That the Impersonalization alternation is necessarily causative is indicated by the following constraints. First, the alternation must target verbs that are potentially, but not obligatorily, agentive. In ungrammatical (2) the verb amputirovat amputate is necessarily agentive it has no non-volitional usage. 302

322 Haus 6, Raum S24 (2.) *Emu amputirovalo nogu. him:dat amputated:imp leg:acc [Intended: He got is leg amputated off.] (Babby 2010) Next, note that anticausatives are ruled out since they assert the lack of causation (3). (3.) Vazu razbilo (mjačom / *samu po sebe). vase:acc broke:imp ball:inst on its own a. The vase got broken (by the ball) b. *The vase broke (on its own) Finally, there are impersonal constructions that appear to occur in the absence of a causative oblique argument, as in (4). Note that potjanut pull is a twoplace predicate. The causer argument is not pronounced because the speaker cannot name the force that propelled the airplane upwards: (4.) Letčik sbrosil tysjaču gallonov topliva, i [samolet pilot dumped thousand gallons of-fuel and airplane:acc srazu potjanulo vverx.] immediately pulled:imp upward The pilot dumped a 1000 gallons of fuel and the plane immediately rose. (Babby 1994) AG12 It follows that argument structure alternations require syntactic scaffolding. Russian is important because it has a dedicated low causative construction, as one realization of the Impersonal alternation. Semantic and syntactic effects of alternative direct and oblique argument realizations Kerstin Schwabe / ZAS Berlin Donnerstag, 14.3., There is a minor class of German matrix predicates the argument realization of which can vary while the argument structure remains unchanged e.g. (es)/(darüber) diskutieren, (es)/(davon) hören. All predicates exhibit an escorrelate or a prepositional correlate (ProPP) or occur without any correlate cf. (1-3). 1. (a) Leo fühlt, dass Mia kommt / ob Mia kommt / wer kommt. 303

323 Haus 6, Raum S24 (b) Leo hört, dass Mia kommt / ob Mia kommt / wer kommt. 2. (a) Leo fühlt es, dass Mia kommt / ob Mia kommt / wer kommt. (b) Leo hört es/davon, dass Mia kommt / ob Mia kommt / wer kommt. 3. Leo diskutiert (es)/(darüber), dass Mia kommt / ob Mia kommt / wer kommt. AG12 The talk will show how particular semantic features of these matrix predicates license the variation in argument realization and how the use of correlates modifies the predicate meaning. It underpins theoretically that accusative or the es-correlate, respectively, express a direct relationship between the matrix subject and the embedded clause and that the oblique or the ProPP, respectively, indicate that something else is involved in the relationship. The features which are responsible for the argument realizations as well as for the embedded clause types in (1) to (3) divide matrix predicates into: the VER(IDICAL)-objective verbs (1), the VER-objectively based predicates (2), and the non-objective/non-objectively-based predicates (3) cf. Schwabe & Fittler (pub.). VER-objective verbs (1) like wissen dass know and fühlen dass feel, which license the exhaustive wh-form (Groenendijk & Stokhof 1997), allow direct objects, i.e. es-correlates. If they are used with an es-correlate, most of them become factive cf. Sudhoff (2003). Whereas a verb like fühlen dass, which does not exhibit a ProPP, is deductively closed [any non-tautological logical consequence τ of a set of embedded clauses σ i fulfilling x fühlt dass σ i also fulfills x fühlt dass τ], a verb like hören dass is deductively open. It becomes deductively closed with a ProPP. By definition, VER-objective verbs are VER-objectively based with a legitimate correlate cf. (2). VERobjectively-based predicates license the Non-exhaustive wh-form. A non-objective predicate like diskutieren discuss is characterized by simple properties of the embedded statements for which it may hold true. For instance, Frank diskutiert, dass σ Frank discusses that σ may only hold true (i) for an invalid σ or (ii) for a σ that follows from what Frank knows. The correlate-rules determine that specific purely logical conditions warrant the legitimacy of the es-correlate while conditions involving the knowledge of the subject warrant the legitimacy of a ProPP. References Groenendijk, Jeroen and Martin Stokhof (1997): Question. In: Handbook of Logic and Language, eds. Johan van Benthem and Alice ter Meulen, Amsterdam, 304

324 Haus 6, Raum S24 Lausanne, New York, Oxford, Shannon, Tokio, pp Schwabe & Fittler (pub). Über semantische Konsistenzbedingungen deutscher Matrixprädikate. ZAS Ms Sudhoff, Stefan. (2003). Argumentsätze und es-korrelate zur syntaktischen Struktur von Nebensatzeinbettungen im Deutschen. Berlin: Wissenschaftlicher Verlag. Characterizing reflexivization: Semantic and syntactic perspectives Alexis Dimitriadis and Martin Everaert / Utrecht U. Donnerstag, 14.3., The argument structure of verbal reflexives arguably involves a single projected argument, associated with two thematic roles. We consider the evidence for this dual view, and its implications for some constructions involving secondary predication. In contrast to argument reflexives such as the English reflexive anaphor, verbal reflexives (Faltz 1977) involve detransitivization of the verb, so that a single argument satisfies what would be two roles in the equivalent transitive predicate. Syntactically, this can be described as suppression of one argument, and there is a lengthy literature on the question of whether the internal or the external argument was suppressed (Marantz 1984, Pesetsky 1995, Sportiche 1998, Reinhart and Siloni 2004, 2005). From the semantic viewpoint, however, it is incontestable that the single argument of reflexives satisfies both thematic relationships of the underlying transitive predicate. For example, John shaves states that John is both the agent and patient of shaving. In other words, at some semantic level the second argument has not so much been removed as identified with the first, and their syntactic realization is the subject, John. Accordingly, Reinhart and Siloni (2005) propose that reflexivization is not reduction (complete elimination) of a theta role, but a new operation termed bundling, which combines two theta roles into a compound one that is projected as a single argument. While this neatly captures the semantic side of reflexivization, is there evidence that the distinctive semantics of reflexives are relevant to their syntax? We address this question by considering syntactic diagnostics for the kinds of arguments appearing with verbal reflexives. Some tests, like en-cliticization in French, are purely structural, but we can also specifically test for the presence of an agent or patient. Tests of agentivity include allowing impersonal passives (if the language has them) and allowing modification by adverbs like AG12 305

325 Haus 6, Raum S24 AG12 intentionally or carefully. There are fewer tests for the presence of a theme or patient, but reflexives appear to pass these as well (cf. Levin & Rappaport Hovav 2005). Modifiers like completely and painfully, which generally require a syntactically accessible patient, are compatible with suitable reflexives. We conclude that reflexive verbs retain both theta roles of the underlying transitive predicate, in the syntactic as well as the semantic sense to the extent that these can be distinguished in the context of theta roles supporting the bundling analysis. The mixed results of the diagnostics for unaccusativity are (partially) explained by their sensitivity to the theta roles present. Since bundling combines two theta roles in one, the syntax assigns a double theta role to the subject, not two separate ones; thus avoiding a violation of some versions of the theta criterion. A related mechanism may be involved in secondary predication constructions, which directly or indirectly assign multiple thematic roles to the same logical referent. We consider, inter alia, resultatives and motion verbs with telic directional phrases (Hoekstra & Mulder 1990, Levin & Rappaport Hovav 1995). Marked and unmarked anticausatives do not differ in meaning: a French case study Fabienne Martin and Florian Schäfer / U. Stuttgart Donnerstag, 14.3., Verbs undergoing the causative/anticausative alternation divide into two morphological and three distributional classes in French: With verbs of class A, the anticausative (AC) is morphologically unmarked (Ø-ACs), with verbs of class B, the AC is marked with the reflexive clitic se (se-acs), and ACs of class C allow both markings (Ø/se-ACs). (1.) La neige (*se) fond the snow REFL melts The snow is melting (Class A) (2.) L image *(s ) agrandit the-picture REFL becomes-wider The picture is becoming wider (Class B) (3.) Le vase (se) casse the vase REFL breaks The vase breaks (Class C) 306

326 Haus 6, Raum S24 Some authors have proposed that the presence vs. absence of the reflexive clitic goes along with subtle differences in meaning. To derive these, fundamentally different syntactic structures have been proposed for se-acs and Ø-ACs (e.g. Labelle 1992, Doron & Labelle 2010). In this paper, we show that most alleged meaning differences between se-acs and Ø-ACs are either not existent or idiosyncratic/verb-specific. To the extent that meaning aspects can be robustly associated with either marked or unmarked ACs, this holds only for verbs of class C but does not generalize to morphologically identical ACs in class A or B. This makes a structural explanation of these meaning differences unfeasible: the presence vs. absence of se cannot be associated with syntactic differences driving meaning differences. To explain the remaining robust differences in interpretation and distribution and why they occur only with ACs of class C, we propose a pragmatic explanation. With verbs of class C, pragmatic reasoning how a reflexively marked string could be interpreted (anticausative or also semantically reflexive) lead the speaker to prefer one version over the other. Note that we do not deny any syntactic differences between Ø-ACs and se-acs: The presence of se suggests a syntactic extralayer on top of VP, a middle or expletive Voice (Doron 2003, Alexiadou et al. 2006, Schäfer 2008). This projection triggers syntactic differences (e.g. auxiliary selection) but does not add any semantics. AG12 References Alexiadou, A., Anagnostopoulou, E. and F. Schäfer The properties of anticausatives crosslinguistically. In: M. Frascarelli (ed.), Phases of Interpretation (pp ). Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter. Doron, E Agency and Voice: the semantics of the Semitic templates. Natural Language Semantics, 11(1), Doron, E. & M. Labelle An ergative analysis of the French valency alternation. Proceedings of the 40th Linguistic Symposium on Romance Languages (LSRL). Labelle, M Change of state and valency. Journal of Linguistics 28, Schäfer, F The syntax of (anti-)causatives. External arguments in change-ofstate contexts. Amsterdam. John Benjamins. 307

327 Haus 6, Raum S24 Argument alternations: a large-scale comparative study Martin Haspelmath / MPI-EVA Leipzig Iren Hartmann / MPI-EVA Leipzig Andrej Malchukov / U. Mainz Freitag, 15.3., AG12 Argument alternations have usually been studied in depth in individual languages, and broadly cross-linguistic studies have mostly beeen restricted to some of the most salient aspects of alternations (e.g. Siewierska 1998 on dative alternations, Kim 1999 on locative alternations, Song 2005 on causative alternations). But with modern information and communication technology, more ambitious research with much greater empirical coverage is now possible. In this paper we report on a large-scale study of 32 languages world-wide that records the valency patterns of about 70 verbs per language, as well as about 12 argument alternations per language. In addition, and crucially for the current paper and the argument-alternations workshop, we have systematic data about the occurrence of verbs in alternations. The data come from experts of the languages, who filled in a sophisticated database template with data tables on verbs and valency patterns, alternations, and examples. The data are currently undergoing extensive reviewing and refining, and at the end of the project (in the second half of 2013) they will be published as an online database. While the large-scale cross-linguistic approach does not allow any finegrained semantic analyses, the amount of cross-linguistic data from a wide variety of languages (including languages from Australia, New Guinea, and Amazonia) gives us an unprecedented picture of the general tendencies in the world s languages. We can see what kinds of verb meanings cluster together on the basis of their valency coding, as well as on the basis of the alternations in which they occur. From the perspective of the alternations, we can see the extent to which they can be used with verbs of different semantic types. At the time of writing this abstract, only part of the data have undergone reviewing, but by the time of the workshop we will be able to present overviews of results for questions such as: which semantic types of verbs are most likely to undergo causativization? 308

328 Haus 6, Raum S24 which semantic types of verbs are most likely to undergo passivization? which semantic types of verbs tend to occur in ambitransitive alternations? (etc.) how does verb-type clustering on the basis of occurrence in alternations differ from verb-type clustering on the basis of valency frames? what areal patterns in terms of similarity (in valency frames and/or alternations) are detectable for languages in the database? Alternating subject constructions in Nepali Saartje Verbeke / Ghent U. Freitag, 15.3., Most Indo-Aryan languages display ergative case marking in perfective constructions; whereas in imperfective constructions, the subject marking is nominative. In the perfective constructions in the Indo-Aryan language Nepali, the transitive subject A is marked with the postposition le. However, le can mark A also in imperfective constructions. The postposition is then optional and seems to occur on a highly irregular basis. The following examples illustrate the use of le, occurring first in a present tense construction. The second example is a present continuous construction where le is not used. AG12 (1.) tapāīṃ=ko hajāma=le mero ghāu kin you.h=ge barber=erg my wound why kāt-i-diṃ-dai-na stitch-lnk-give-prs-neg.3sg Why doesn t your barber stitch my wound? (Thapa 2001) (2.) ma bhāt khā-nechu I.NOM rice eat-fut.1sg I will eat rice. (Thapa 2001) Various hypotheses have been assumed to account for this anomalous distribution; the traditional textbook hypothesis considers emphasis as the factor controlling the occurrence of le (Hutt and Subedi 1999); other accounts select different syntactic and/or semantic factors that determine the distribution of le (Abadie 1974, Butt and Poudel 2007, Bickel 2011). In this paper, I consider the distribution of the imperfective le as an example of argument alternation. As with the dative alternation in English, the 309

329 Haus 6, Raum S24 AG12 ergative alternation in Nepali seems to be determined by varying semantic constraints, which makes it an excellent example to be investigated by means of the probabilistic method advocated by Bresnan et al. (2007); thus studying different factors which may influence the presence of the le marking. A qualitative pilot study of a number of Nepali short stories shows that le, as a syntactic postposition associated with perfective verbs, carries over a perfective meaning to present and progressive verb constructions and adds a notion of completeness and determination to the clause. In a quantitative follow-up study, the Nepali corpus developed by CRULP will put this hypothesis to the test. Imperfective constructions are annotated for the variables suggested by the previous approaches, and additionally for the variable of semantic perfectivity. A multivariate regression analysis then shows the varying influence of the variables. The results show that difference in meaning is not only entailed in the added postposition le, but in the complete construction. References Abadie, Peggy Nepali as an ergative language. In: Linguistics of the Tibeto-Burman area Bickel, Balthasar Grammatical relations typology. In Jae Jung Song (ed.), The Oxford Handbook of Language Typology, Oxford: Oxford University Press. Bresnan, J. W., Cueni, A., Nikitina, T., & Baayen, H. (2007). Predicting the Dative Alternation. In G. Bourne, I. Kraemer & J. Zwarts (Eds.), Cognitive Foundations of Interpretation (pp ). Amsterdam: Royal Netherlands Academy of Science. Butt, Miriam, and Tikaram Poudel Distribution of the Ergative in Nepali. Paper presented at Universität Leipzig, Leipzig. (http:// ling.uni-konstanz.de/pages/home/tafseer/leipzig07-hnd.pdf) Hutt, Michael and A. Subedi Nepali. London: Teach yourself books. Thapa, S Tuntuni ko [About a bird]. New Delhi: Sahitya Akademi. Urdu-Nepali-English Parallel Corpus. Downloaded on 7/19/ Context Sensitive Unaccusativity in Russian and Italian Zhanna Glushan / U. of Connecticut Freitag, 15.3., Introduction. Since the formulation of the Unaccusativity Hypothesis (Perlmutter (1978), Burzio (1986)), numerous data pieces in various languages have been claimed to be at odds with it (Rizzi and Belletti (1982), Hoekstra and Mulder (1990), Lonzi (1986), Babby (1980), (2001), Van Valin (1990)). In this paper, I make a parallel between the puzzling pieces of data in Russian 310

330 Haus 6, Raum S24 and Italian, whereby verbs that are typically described as unergative, in the presence of an explicit existential context, can reveal unaccusativity properties. Data. Babby (1980), (2001) points to the relevance of an existential context for Gen of Neg in Russian (unaccusativity diagnostic). Verbs which are typically listed as unergative verbs (play, work, hide) and normally resist taking Gen of Neg subjects (VP-internal position), can take Gen of Neg subjects on the existential reading of the verb facilitated by an explicit context, as well as a preverbal Loc PP (see (1), (2)). Lonzi (1986), Calabrese and Maling (2009), Bentley (2006), Calabrese (p.c.) note that many of the verbs selecting avere (Have) auxilliary in Italian (Have-unergative/Be-unaccusative) allow ne-cliticisation (VP-internal position)(3). On a parallel to Russian data, the use of ne-cliticisation with these verbs requires a special interpretation of the verb in Italian: eventive with no agentive theta role (Lonzi (1986)); stage level existential (Bentley (2006); stative reading (Calabrese and Malling (2009)). Calabrese (p.c.) observes that a shift in auxiliary choice (with alternating verbs) is required when the verb expresses a process of no inherent duration (4). Analysis. Following Borschev and Partee (1998), (2002), I assume that what underlies optional acceptability of Gen of Neg subjects with unergative predicates is the existential vs predicative verb distinction. I argue that structurally any unergative (potentially any non-delimited) predicate is a choice between the two argument structures available to the speaker: (i) regular vp structure with an Agent argument position in Spec, vp matched to a full lexical verb (ii) a vp structure with a Theme argument matched to an existential verb. The choice is determined by means of Perspective Structure (Partee et al (2011)). The two argument structures are reflected by the auxiliary choice on the surface in Italian but are covert in Russian. AG12 (1) Meždu brevnami ne skryvalos tarakanov in-between beams LOC PP not hide cockroaches There were no cockroaches btw the beams Babby (2001:50) (2) *vorov ne skryvalos ot polizii thieves GEN not hid from policii Thieves were not hiding from the police (3) Ne camminerà tanta (di gente) su quei marciapiedi ne walk many of people on those sidewalk many will walk on those sidewalks 311

331 Haus 6, Raum S24 Context: In questo giardino (in this garden) (4) a. hanno attecchito liane have taken root vines Vines have taken-root (for a while) b. sono attecchite liane be taken-root vines Vines have taken root (no duration) References Babby, Leonard The genitive of negation: a unified analysis. In: Formal Approaches to Slavic Linguistics, the Bloomington Meeting 2000, ed. S. Franks, T. King and M. Yadroff, Ann Arbor, MI: Michigan Slavic Publications. AG12 The English rob/steal alternation and its German equivalents Ryan Joseph Dux / U. Texas at Austin Freitag, 15.3., This talk explores various alternations found with stealing verbs in German and English. I show that alternations of both languages are sensitive to three types of sources, distinguished by their degree of animacy and sentience. A contrastive analysis shows that German employs two different patterns reminiscent of the English rob variant, both of which exhibit subtle syntactic and pragmatic differences from English. Acts of thievery are interesting for studies on argument alternations, because many languages allow the speaker to assign prominence to either the stolen goods or the source of the goods. The most well-studied alternation in this domain involves the syntax associated with rob and steal. With steal, the goods are the direct object and the source is in a from PP (steal goods from source), whereas with rob, the source is direct object and the goods are in an of PP (rob source of goods). Three types of sources must be distinguished to account for the rob/steal alternation in English. Animate (human) sources can occur in the rob variant with or without the goods in an of PP (she robbed the man), while inanimate sources may not occur in the rob variant (she robbed the table). A third type of source includes non-human entities which have properties of both animate and inanimate entities, such as banks and stores. These must be distinguished because they occur in the rob variant, but only marginally with the goods (she robbed the bank (??of money)). These distinctions among members of 312

332 Haus 6, Raum S24 role complexes demonstrate the influence of perspecitivization on argument realization and must be integrated into theories on semantic roles. In German, the rob variant can be construed in two ways. One construal is syntactically quite similar to English, differing only in that the of PP in English is a genitive NP in German (sie beraubt ihn-acc der Sachen-GEN). It is also sensitive to the source-animacy distinctions discussed above. However, two important differences affect the distribution of this pattern. First, the German rob/steal alternation is not triggered lexically by the equivalents of rob and steal (rauben, stehlen), but by means of a prefix be-, which can be applied to both rauben and stehlen. Second, the genitive case is uncommon in colloquial varieties, so users avoid mentioning the goods in the rob variant in spoken language. The second equivalent of the rob variant involves stealing verbs without the be- prefix which realize the goods as direct (accusative) object and the victim as a dative object (sie stiehlt ihm-dat die Sachen-ACC). The sourceanimacy distinction also applies to this variant. The use of dative rather than genitive case makes this variant more common in spoken language. A notable cross-linguistic difference is that English dative objects with stealing verbs are interpreted as recipients, not victims. This analysis demonstrates that a wide range of syntactic, lexical, semantic, and sociolinguistic factors play into prominence-related argument alternations. It also reveals that the cross-linguistic comparison of alternations must proceed carefully and fully account for these factors, in order to arrive at valid generalizations. AG12 Der Himmel hängt voller Geigen The Stative Locative Alternation of German Daniel Hole / HU Berlin Freitag, 15.3., In this talk, I present a first syntactic and semantic analysis of the hitherto undescribed(?) Stative Locative Alternation of German (SLA G ) as exemplified in (1) (examples with a g-superscript are from Google searches). The elucidation of its properties lends support to Kaufmann s (1995) subclassification of German Stative Localizing Verbs (SLV G ), and highlights the heavily different behaviour of English in this domain. Moreover, the overt presence of a morpheme voll full to which the holistic meaning effect known from 313

333 Haus 6, Raum S24 AG12 the English (Dynamic) Locative Alternation (2) and the Spray/Load Alternations (Levin 1993) can be attributed may help to justify the presence of the same morpheme in English, albeit in unpronounced form. Properties/Restrictions: (i) The locatum subject of the mit-alternant corresponds to the prepositional object of the basic alternant (promotion of location PO). (ii) The prepositional object of the mit-alternant corresponds to the subject of the basic variant (demotion of locatum subject). (iii) The string voll mit-po DAT alternates with a holistic partitive voller O (cf. the title). With voller O, O must be a bare nominal without a determiner. (iv) The PO has a plural count N head, or a mass N head (3) (*locatum atom). (v) The verb must be the copula (1b), or belong to Kaufmann s (1995) SLV G with a firm supporting object (mainly kleben, stecken, stehen, liegen, hängen and, heavily restricted, sitzen (4)). (vi) The location referent is totally covered/filled by the locatum referent (contextual factors play a role in determining what total coverage/filling means in a given case) (holistic effect). (vii) The location subject must denote a surfacy referent, i.e. a referent with a clear minimally two-dimensional shape (5a) (SURFACE). In the case of stecken, a holistic three-dimensional affectedness of the location referent is possible (5b). 1. (a) Kartons stehen auf dem Gang There are cardboard boxes standing in the aisle. (b) g Der Gang steht voll mit [...] Kartons. The aisle is full of cardboard boxes. (lit.: The aisle stands full of cardboard boxes) 2. (a) Bees are swarming in the garden. (b) The garden is swarming with bees. 3. g [D]as ganze Eß-und Kochgeschirr klebt voll mit Speisebrei/ not g Essensresten. 4. g Das ganze Kornfeld saß voll mit diesen Maikäfern. 5. (a) Das Ei/*?Die Hühnerstange klebte voll mit Kot. (b) Der Heuballen steckte voll mit Würmern./ g Sie steckt voll mit Vitaminen [...] References Kaufmann, Ingrid (1995a). Konzeptuelle Grundlagen semantischer Dekompositionsstrukturen: Die Kombinatorik lokaler Verben und prädikativer Komplemente. Tübingen: Niemeyer. Levin, Beth (1993). English Verb Classes and Alternations. A Preliminary Investigation. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. 314

334 Arbeitsgruppe 13 Aspekte der Informationsstruktur für die Schule Maria Averintseva-Klisch Corina Peschel Workshop description In der linguistischen Forschung wird die Informationsstruktur, äußerungs- sowie textbezogen, schon länger intensiv untersucht. Insbesondere wurden dabei die intuitiven Größen bekannte und neue Information sowie wichtige und weniger wichtige Information genauer erfasst (Topik vs. Kommentar, Fokus vs. Hintergrund) und die sprachlichen Mittel zu deren Kennzeichnung für viele typologisch verschiedenen Sprachen beschrieben (vgl. die Übersicht in Krifka 2007). Auf der Ebene des Texts als Ganzes haben fragebasierte Textbeschreibungsmodelle wie das Quaestio-Modell (Klein/ von Stutterheim 1987) oder das QUD-Modell (Roberts 1996/2012) eine verdiente Verbreitung gefunden. Informationsstrukturelle Aspekte sind aber auch für verschiedene Lernbereiche der Schule vor allem der Sekundarstufe relevant; z.b. für das Lesen/Verstehen von (literarischen wie funktionalen) Texten sowie für das Schreiben von kohäsiven und treffsicher formulierten Texten. In den Bildungsstandards Deutsch für den mittleren Schulabschluss (2003) wird u.a. gefordert, dass Schülerinnen und Schüler lernen, ihre Texte strukturiert, verständlich, sprachlich variabel und stilistisch stimmig sprachlich zu gestalten. Sie sollten die vielfältigen sprachlichen Mittel zur adressatengerechten Gliederung und Ordnung der Informationen in einer Äußerung und in einem Text kennen und gebrauchen lernen. In der fachdidaktischen oder der schulbezogenen sprachwissenschaftlichen Forschung hat es in der letzten Zeit Untersuchungen zu informations- AG13 315

335 Haus 6, Raum S25 strukturellen Aspekten gegeben, insbesondere Beiträge zur kommunikativen Gewichtung (z.b. Hoffmann 1995, 2002), zur Stellung von Satzgliedern in Sätzen und Texten (z.b. Baurmann/Menzel, 1995) oder zur thematischen Gliederung von Texten (z.b. Nussbaumer, Guber). Jedoch sind noch viele Fragen der vermittlungsbezogenen Umsetzung informationsstruktureller Aspekte offen. Einige von denen hoffen wir in der Arbeitsgruppe zu beantworten. Informationsstruktur und Wissen Ludger Hoffmann / TU Dortmund Donnerstag, 14.3., 9:30-10:30 AG13 Der Vortrag gibt einen Überblick und einen Modellierungsvorschlag zur Informationsstruktur, also zu kommunikativer Gewichtung und thematischer Organisation in ihrem sprachsystematischen Zusammenhang. Informationsstruktur nennt man alle Dimensionen einer Äußerung, die für eine geordnete Aufnahme des Gesagten ins Wissen von Hörern oder Lesern sorgen sollen. Es handelt sich um eine Ordnung, die dem angenommenen Vorwissen der Rezipienten und den Relevanzen des Sprechers bzw. Schreibers entspricht. Die Relevanz des Gesagten muss im Verhältnis zum Stand des Diskurses deutlich werden und das Gesagte zureichend an vorhandenes Rezipientenwissen (Laufwissen, Weltwissen, Sprachwissen) angeschlossen sein. Es genügt nicht, den entworfenen Sachverhalt als solchen zu verstehen (propositionale Dimension); eine strukturierte Aufnahme ins Wissen trägt dazu bei, die kommunikativen Zwecke zu erreichen. Das gilt besonders für Texte, bei denen eine unmittelbare Verständnissicherung meist nicht möglich ist. Wird der Zusammenhang von Sprache und Wissen handlungstheoretisch fundiert, ist die Relation zwischen Handlungsfunktionen und sprachlichen Formen / Mitteln in den untersuchten Sprachen aufzuweisen. Als zentrale Mittel in den Sprachen haben sich Wortfolge, Intonation / Akzent sowie Ausdrucksklassen wie Gradpartikeln, Negationspartikeln, bestimmte Konjunktoren, Anapher, Determinative bzw. Mittel der Determination erwiesen. Es wird gezeigt, wie solche scheinbar disparaten Sprachmittel in einem nicht satzzentrierten Konzept unter funktionalem Aspekt zusammengebracht werden können, so dass die Analyse zum einen den sprachspezifischen Gegebenheiten gerecht wird, zum anderen einen funktionalen Ansatz verfolgt, der den Vergleich von Sprachen ermöglicht. Immerhin beziehen aktuelle Konzepte des Sprachunterrichts Sprachvergleiche ein, um durch Distanz die Fähig- 316

336 Haus 6, Raum S25 keit zur Sprachreflexion anzubahnen und auszubauen. Referenzen Abraham, W, Eroms, H.-W, Pfeifer, O.E. (eds.) (1992) Special Issue Theme/ Rheme today. Folia Linguistica XXVI/1-2 Büring, D. (2006) Intonation und Informationsstruktur. In: Blühdorn, H., Breindl, E., Waßner, U. (eds.) Text-Verstehen. Grammatik und darüber hinaus. Berlin/New York: de Gruyter, Hoffmann, L. (2012) Deutsche Grammatik. Grundlagen für Lehrerausbildung, Schule, Deutsch als Zweitsprache und Deutsch als Fremdsprache. Berlin: Erich Schmidt Jacobs, J. (ed.)(1992) Informationsstruktur und Grammatik. Opladen: Westdeutscher Verlag (LB Sonderheft 4) Kiliçaslan, Y. (2004) Syntax of Information Structure in Turkish. In: Linguistics 42-4, Krifka, M. (2007) Basic Notions of Information Structure. In: Féry, C., Fanselow, G., Krifka, M. (eds.), Working Papers of the SFB632. Interdisciplinary Studies on Information Structure (ISIS) 6. Potsdam: Universitätsverlag Potsdam, Li, C, (ed.)(1976) Subject and Topic. New York: Academic Press Musan, R. (2010) Informationsstruktur. Heidelberg: Winter Zifonun, G., Hoffmann, L., Strecker, B. (1997) Grammatik der deutschen Sprache. Berlin/New York: de Gruyter Damit der Hörer das besser verstehen kann. (Schüler, 14 Jahre) Mit Schülerinnern und Schülern gemeinsam die kommunikative Gewichtung entdecken ein funktionaler Ansatz Laura Basch / TU Dortmund Donnerstag, 14.3., 10:30-11:00 AG13 Im Vortrag wird ein unterrichtspraktisches Konzept vorgestellt, das Lernern der Sekundarstufe I grammatische Grundkenntnisse zur kommunikativen Gewichtung vermitteln soll. Das Konzept ist Ergebnis eines explorativen, qualitativ-empirischen Forschungsprojektes, in dessen Zentrum die Erforschung und Entwicklung der kommunikativen Gewichtung als neuer Lerngegenstand eines funktionalen Grammatikunterrichts (u.a. Hoffmann 2006) in der Sekundarstufe I steht. Der Ansatz ist funktional-pragmatisch. Die konzeptionelle Ausrichtung impliziert, dass die Lerner informationsstrukturelle Aspekte des Deutschen und damit das Phänomen der kommunikativen Gewichtung induktiv, problem-und handlungsorientiert entdecken. Ausgangspunkt sind dabei zunächst funktionale Aspekte der kommunikativen Gewichtung, von denen aus die Perspektive dann auf die relevanten sprachlichen Mittel gelenkt wird. Wegweisend sind dabei die Topologie (lineare Abfolge) und die Intonation 317

337 Haus 6, Raum S25 (Gewichtungsakzent). Ausgehend von einer exemplarischen Unterrichtseinheit mit kontrastivem Fokus (Deutsch/Türkisch) wird im Vortrag diskutiert, welche Potenziale und Hürden es in der Auseinandersetzung mit informationsstrukturellen Aspekten im Rahmen der kommunikativen Gewichtung geben kann. Dabei werden auch konkrete Vorschläge für die vertiefende und kontrastive Arbeit am grammatischen Phänomen über mehrere Jahrgangsstufen hinweg gemacht. AG13 Referenzen Baurmann, J., Maiworm, H., Menzel, W. (1985): G65 Das Wichtigste im Satz betonen. In: Praxis Sprache 5. Lehrerband. Braunschweig: Westermann, 67. Büring, D. (2006): Intonation und Informationsstruktur. In: Blühdorn, H., Breindl, E., Waßner, U. (Hg.): Text -Verstehen. Grammatik und darüber hinaus. Berlin/New York: de Gruyter, Féry, C., Krifka, M. (2008): Information Structure: Notional Distinctions, Ways of Expression. In: Sterkenburg, P. van (Hg.): Unity and diversity of languages. Amsterdam: John Benjamins, Hoffmann, L. (1995a): Gewichtung: ein funktionaler Zugang zur Grammatik. In: Der Deutschunterricht 4, Hoffmann, L. (1995b): Gegenstandskonstitution und Gewichtung : eine kontrastiv-grammatische Perspektive. In: Jahrbuch Deutsch als Fremdsprache, Hoffmann, L. (1997): C2 Diskurs und Mündlichkeit. In: Zifonun, G., Hoffmann, L., Strecker, B. (Hg.): Grammatik der deutschen Sprache. Berlin: de Gruyter, Hoffmann, L. (2002): Zur Grammatik der kommunikativen Gewichtung im Deutschen. In: Peschel, Cornelia (Hg.): Grammatik und Grammatikvermittlung. Frankfurt a.m.: Lang, Hoffmann, L. (2006): Funktionaler Grammatikunterricht. In: Becker, T., Peschel, C. (Hg.): Gesteuerter und ungesteuerter Grammatikerwerb. Hohengehren: Schneider, Krifka, M. (2007): Basic Notions of Information Structure. In: Féry, C. / Krifka, M. (Hg.): Interdisciplinary Studies of Information Structure 6, Potsdam: Univ. Verlag, Menzel, W. (20104): Rhetorik und Stilistik der Satzgliedstellung. In: Grammatik-Werkstatt. Theorie und Praxis eines prozessorientierten Grammatikunterrichts für die Primar-und Sekundarstufe. Seelze-Velber: Kallmeyer, Musan, R. (2002): Informationsstrukturelle Dimensionen im Deutschen. Zur Variation der Wortstellung im Mittelfeld. In: Zeitschrift für Germanistische Linguistik 30, Musan, R. (2010): Informationsstruktur. Heidelberg: Universitätsverlag Winter. 318

338 Haus 6, Raum S25 Kohärenz als Brücke zwischen Produktion und Rezeption Evidenzen aus anaphorischen Wiederaufnahmestrukturen in Schülertexten Franziska Patzig / FSU Jena Donnerstag, 14.3., 11:30-12:30 Die Arbeit mit Schülertexten, die aus einem Aufgabenumfeld resultieren, in dem SchülerInnen basierend auf der Rezeption eines Ersttextes einen eigenen Text produzieren sollen (etwa eine Textanalyse oder -interpretation), macht deutlich, dass aktuelle Modelle der didaktischen und fachwissenschaftlichen Textproduktions-und Textrezeptionsforschung nicht ausreichen, um den komplexen Anforderungen der Kommunikationssituation zu genügen. Es mangelt an fundierten Theorien, die in der Lage sind, Produktions- und Rezeptionsprozesse zu verbinden, um informationsstrukturelle Besonderheiten der Schülertexte erklären zu können. Besondere Chancen bei der Verknüpfung von didaktischer und fachwissenschaftlicher Theoriebildung liegen in einer Erweiterung des Kohärenzkonzepts: So haben Untersuchungen der lokalen Kohärenzstruktur der Texte ergeben, dass sich die SchülerInnen durch die metatextuelle Bezugnahme (Scherner 2007) auf die zu bearbeitenden Ersttexte voraussetzungsreicher anaphorischer Wiederaufnahmen bedienen (Patzig 2012). Deren Vorkommen kann durch eine Verbindung kognitiver Rezeptions-und Produktionsprozesse begründet, ihr Verstehen durch die Verankerung im Diskurs erklärt werden. Das Verständnis der informationsstrukturellen Gestaltung des Textes setzt also neben der Kenntnis des Ersttextes auch die diskursive und kognitive Verknüpfung von Erst-und Zweittext voraus. Möchte man derartige Spezifika der Informationsstruktur erklären, darf Kohärenz nicht nur einseitig als das Ziel einer Textrezeptions- oder Textproduktionsleistung gesehen werden, sondern als verknüpfendes Element, welches situativ im Diskurs verankert werden muss. Ziel des Beitrages soll es sein, mit Hilfe eines erweiterten Kohärenzkonzepts, das kognitive und diskursive Aspekte gewinnbringend miteinander verknüpft, eine Brücke zwischen Textrezeption und Textproduktion zu schlagen. Der Vortrag soll dementsprechend durch die Analyse authentischer Beispiele aus einem Korpus von Abituraufsätzen einen Problemaufriss bieten und ein erweitertes Kohärenzkonzept vorstellen, das auch diskursive Aspekte stärker als bisher geleistet in theoretische Fragestellungen einbindet und so auch konversationsanalytische Überlegungen (Deppermann 2001) für didaktische Zwecke nutzbar macht. AG13 319

339 Haus 6, Raum S25 Referenzen Beyer, R. (2003): Verstehen von Diskursen. In: Deutsch, W., Herrmann, T., Rickheit, G. (Hgg.), Psycholinguistik. Ein internationales Handbuch. Berlin 2003: de Gruyter, (Handbücher zur Sprach-und Kommunikationswissenschaft 24) Deppermann, A. (2000): Ethnographische Gesprächsanalyse: Zu Nutzen und Notwendigkeit von Ethnographie für die Konversationsanalyse. Gesprächsforschung Online-Zeitschrift zur verbalen Interaktion 1, 2000, Günther, U. (1993): Texte planen Texte produzieren. Kognitive Prozesse der schriftlichen Textproduktion. Leverkusen: Westdeutscher Verlag. Patzig, F. (2012): Wer-Wie-Was oder doch Der- Die-Das? Erklärungsversuche zu lokalen Kohärenzschwierigkeiten in Schülertexten. In: Feilke, H., Köster, J., Steinmetz, M. (Hgg.), Textkompetenzen in der Sekundarstufe II. (im Druck) Rickheit, G./Strohner, H. (1999): Textverarbeitung: von der Proposition zur Situation. In: A.D. Friederici (Hg.), Sprachrezeption. Göttingen 1999: Hogrefe, (Enzyklopädie der Psychologie, Themenbereich C, Serie 3, Band 2) Scherner, M. (2007): Interpretationskompetenz : ein text-und textverarbeitungstheoretischer Rekonstruktionsversuch. In: Schmölzer-Eibinger, S., Weidacher, G. (Hgg.), Textkompetenz. Eine Schlüsselkompetenz und ihre Vermittlung. Tübingen 2007: Narr, AG13 Pronominale Informationsstruktur in Schülertexten Katharina Turgay / U. Koblenz-Landau Donnerstag, 14.3., 12:30-13:00 Das deutsche Mittelfeld weist eine relativ hohe Stellungsfreiheit auf, was die Linearisierung der Argumente und Adjunkte anbelangt, wobei nicht alle Abfolgevarianten gleichermaßen akzeptabel sind. Um diesen Varianten gerecht zu werden, werden in der Forschung verschiedene Abfolgehierarchien angenommen, deren Interaktion die Linearisierung der Elemente im Mittelfeld steuert. Neben morpho-syntaktischen oder semantischen Hierarchien wird informationsstrukturellen Merkmalen eine große Rolle zugeschrieben. So kann die Einteilung in alte und neue Information eine Stellungsvariante in einem Kontext akzeptabel, in einem anderen inakzeptabel werden lassen. So besteht die Beschränkung, dass alte Information neuer vorausgeht (z.b. Jacobs 1988). Eine weitere Hierarchie, die sowohl syntaktisch als auch informationsstrukturell zu verstehen ist, ist die Tendenz, dass Pronomen vollen DPs vorangehen. Da definite pronominale DPs typischerweise dazu dienen, Bezug auf bereits im Diskurs eingeführte Referenten zu nehmen, stehen sie im engen Zusammenhang mit der Informationsstruktur. Die Tendenz, vollen DPs voranzugehen, ist darin begründet, dass Pronomen einen höheren Grad an Definitheit 320

340 Haus 6, Raum S25 und Thematizität aufweisen. Pronomen spielen als sprachliches Mittel der Bezugnahme im Hinblick auf die Thema-Rhema-Gliederung in Texten, sowie generell für das Verfassen von kohäsiven und sinnvoll strukturierten Texten auch im Unterricht eine Rolle. Die Fähigkeit, im Hinblick auf Kohäsion und Informationsstruktur angemessene Texte zu formulieren, gehört zu den in den nationalen Bildungsstandards angegebenen Kompetenzen, die zum Zeitpunkt des Mittleren Schulabschlusses (KMK 2003: 9, u.a.) erworben worden sein sollen. Bei der Thema-Rhema-Gliederung handelt es sich um eine Gliederung einer Äußerung nach kommunikativen Aspekten. Beim Verfassen eines Textes steht im Deutschunterricht genau diese kommunikative Funktion im Vordergrund. Da in schriftlichen Aufsätzen die unmittelbare Kommunikation mit dem Rezipienten ausgeschlossen ist, ist es umso wichtiger, dass die Texte im Hinblick auf eine gelungene Kommunikation durchdacht strukturiert sind. In den Bildungsstandards wird als Kompetenz im Lernbereich Schreiben erwartet, dass die Schülerinnen und Schüler [... ] die vielfältigen Möglichkeiten des Schreibens als Mittel der Kommunikation, der Darstellung und der Reflexion [kennen und...] selbst adressatengerecht Texte [verfassen] (KMK 2003:8). Um zu untersuchen, inwieweit Schüler beim Verfassen schriftlicher Texte eine kohäsive Struktur berücksichtigen und den informationsstrukturellen Abfolgehierarchien folgen, um adressatengerechte Texte als Mittel der Kommunikation zu formulieren, untersuche ich einen Korpus von 94 Schüleraufsätzen der gymnasialen Oberstufe von 25 SchülerInnen im Hinblick auf die Stellung der Pronomen im Mittelfeld. Da das Erstellen kohäsiver Texte zu diesem Zeitpunkt laut den Bildungsstandards bereits erworben worden sein soll, wäre demnach zu erwarten, dass die Schüler in der Lage sind, einen informationsstrukturell angemessenen schriftlichen Aufsatz zu produzieren. Die Stellung der Pronomen sollte demnach den informationsstrukturellen Abfolgebedingungen entsprechen. Aus der Analyse der Ergebnisse können Konsequenzen für die Behandlung der Informationsstruktur in der Schule gezogen werden. Häufige oder systematische Abweichungen zeigen, dass eine explizitere Berücksichtigung der Informationsstruktur in den Bildungsstandards notwendig ist. Nicht signifikante Abweichungen der Stellungspräferenzen bedeuten, dass die SchülerInnen die Informationsstruktur, zumindest in Hinblick auf die Pronomen, sicher einsetzen. AG13 Referenzen Jacobs, Joachim (1988): Probleme der freien Wortstellung im Deutschen. Sprache und Pragmatik 5, KMK (2003): Bildungsstandards im Fach Deutsch für den Mittleren Schulabschluss. 321

341 Haus 6, Raum S25 AG13 Textkohäsion als Bedingung des Textverstehens am Beispiel der Verarbeitung expositorischer und literarischer Texte Björn Rothstein 1, Hanna Kröger-Bidlo 1, Anke Schmitz 2, Cornelia Gräsel 2, and Gerhard Rupp 1 1 U. Bochum and 2 U. Wuppertal Freitag, 15.3., 11:30-12:30 Da Texte nach wie vor ein wichtiges Element vieler Unterrichtsfächer darstellen, sind die Ursachendiagnose und die Auslotung von Förderperspektiven im Bereich des Leseverständnisses zentral. Auch in der jüngeren fachdidaktischen Leseforschung wird dem Medium Text als Faktor des Leseverständnisses wieder mehr Bedeutung zugemessen (Abraham et al., 2003). Kognitionspsychologische Untersuchungen konnten bereits förderliche Effekte z.b. anhand von Advance Organizers oder lernförderlichen Text-Bild- Kombinationen auf das Leseverstehen nachweisen. Auf textstruktureller Ebene konnte eine verständnisfördernde Wirkung durch lokale Kohäsionsmittel mehrfach belegt werden (z.b. O Reilly & McNamara, 2007). Die Forschungslage zu globalen Textmerkmalen ist dagegen unklar: Zum einen wurde die Wirkung globaler Kohäsion nicht isoliert von lokaler Kohäsion betrachtet, zum anderen stützen sich die Befunde zumeist auf kurze, speziell für experimentelle Zwecke konzipierte expositorische Texte. Den linguistischen Merkmalen der globalen Kohäsion wird eine hohe Bedeutung für den Verstehensprozess beigemessen, insbesondere für das Verstehen expositorischer Texte, da sie die Konstruktion eines Gesamtverständnisses über die Textoberfläche hinweg fördern können. Unser Beitrag präsentiert die Ergebnisse von zwei quasi-experimentellen Studien zum Verste hen expositorischer und literarischer Texte. Untersucht werden folgende Fragestellungen: 1. Welche Wirkung erzielen lokale und globale Kohäsionsmittel in Kombination und einzeln? 2. Wie unterscheiden sich die Effekte der Textkohäsion in Abhängigkeit des Genres? betrachtet auf das Verständnis expositorischer und literarischer Texte? Analysiert wird das konkrete Leseverständnis unter Kontrolle spezifischer Personenmerkmale (z.b. Vorwissen, Lesefähigkeit), Kontextvariablen (z.b. Sprachhintergrund, sozioökonomischer Status), allgemeiner Fähigkeitsvariablen (z.b. 322

342 Haus 6, Raum S25 Konzentrationsfähigkeit, Motivation). In der Studie bearbeiten ca. 440 Schülerinnen und Schüler der 9. Klasse expositorische und literarische Texte (Between-Design); variiert werden die lokale und globale Kohäsion. Die abhängigen Variablen sind Subskalen eines Leseverständnistests (lokales Informationen Er mitteln, globales textbezogenes Interpretieren, globales Reflektieren und Bewerten), denen spezifische Lesestrategien zugeordnet wurden und die mit Multiple-Choice-Fragen erfasst werden. Unsere Ergebnisse zeigen, dass die expositorischen Textversionen mit lokaler und globaler Kohäsion in Kombination von Schülerinnen und Schülern mit schlechteren Lesevoraussetzungen besser verstanden werden als der lokal kohäsive bzw. der global kohäsive Text. Die Schülerinnen und Schüler mit guten Lesevoraussetzungen verstehen alle expositorischen Textversionen unabhängig des lokalen und/oder globalen Kohäsionsgrades gleich gut. Bei den literarischen Textversionen zeigen sich keine Effekte der Textkohäsion auf das Leseverständnis. Die Befunde zum ausbleibenden Effekt kontrastieren den sog. reversed cohesion effect (O Reilly & McNamara, 2007) und eröffnen neue Perspektiven und Forschungsfragen bei der Untersuchung von Leseverständnisschwierigkeiten und dem Aufbau eines nachhaltigen Leseverständnisses. Referenzen Abraham, U. (et al.), (2003) (Hrsg.), Deutschdidaktik und Deutschunterricht nach PISA. Freiburg. O Reilly, T. & McNamara, D.S. (2007), Reversing the reverse cohesion effect: Good Texts Can be Better for Strategic, High Knowledge Readers.Discourse Processes, 42/2, AG13 Die Anwendung fragebasierter Textbeschreibungsmodelle im Deutschunterricht Magdalena Steiner / U. Tübingen Freitag, 15.3., 12:30-13:00 Die Integration linguistischer Modelle in den Deutschunterricht hat nicht allein das Ziel, das implizite Wissen der Schülerinnen und Schüler um die Grammatik des Deutschen explizit zu machen und mittels bestimmter Regeln zu beschreiben, sondern auch, diese Erkenntnisse für bestimmte Aspekte des Deutschunterrichts wie die Textproduktion und -überarbeitung nutzbar zu machen. In diesem Beitrag wird gezeigt, wie ein sprachwissenschaftliches Modell, das sich auf die Informationsstruktur von Texten bezieht, sinnvoll in den Deutschunterricht integriert werden kann. Es wird sich hierbei 323

343 Haus 6, Raum S25 AG13 auf das Quaestio-Modell nach Klein/ von Stutterheim (1987) bzw. Stutterheim (1997) als fragebasiertes Textbeschreibungsmodell, das die Ebene des Textes als Ganzes in den Blick nimmt, konzentriert. Im Sinne eines integrativen, funktionalen und induktiven Grammatikunterrichts wird diskutiert, in welcher Hinsicht das Quaestio-Modell für die Produktion und Rezeption informativer Texte im Unterricht eingesetzt und für den Schreibunterricht funktionalisiert werden kann. Es wird sich, dem Modell der Sprachproduktionsforschung nach Hayse und Flower (1980) folgend, auf die Phase der Planung von Texten, d.h. ihrer Generierung, Organisation und Beurteilung des Herausgearbeiteten, und die Phase der Übersetzung, d.h. der Transformation des aufbereiteten Wissens in einen sprachlichen Text, konzentriert. Zudem kann das Wissen um das Quaestio-Modell auch zur inhaltlichen und formalen Textverbesserung beitragen. Der Fokus liegt auf der Verbesserung der Schreibkompetenz: Den Schülerinnen und Schülern können als Textproduzenten/-innen mittels des Quaestio- Modells Kriterien an die Hand gegeben werden, die es ihnen ermöglichen, ihre Texte nach bestimmten Gesichtspunkten besser zu organisieren und zu generieren. Es wird dafür argumentiert, dass die Kenntnis des Quaestio-Modells die informierende Schreibkompetenz optimiert. Gezeigt wird dies anhand der Aufsatzform Berichten und Beschreiben, die primär in der Sekundarstufe I Anwendung findet. Zunächst wird das Quaestio-Modell kurz vorgestellt und die Aspekte betrachtet, die im Deutschunterricht eingesetzt werden können. Zentral für den Schreibprozess ist hierbei u.a. die Unterscheidung von Haupt-und Nebenstrukturen. Diese kann z. B. bei einer Wegbeschreibung, die auf die Quaestio Wie komme ich von A nach B? antwortet, hilfreich sein: Der Sprecher muss eine gewisse Auswahl aus der Fülle der möglichen Informationen unter dem Gesichtspunkt der Hauptstruktur vornehmen und aus hörerökonomischen Gesichtspunkten Nebenstrukturen vermeiden. Es werden bereits erprobte und noch in der Umsetzung begriffene Unterrichtsmodelle, Stundenentwürfe und Aufgabentypen vorgestellt, die es den Schülerinnen und Schülern ermöglichen, das Quaestio-Modell induktiv im Unterricht zu erarbeiten und das erworbene grammatische Wissen auf den Schreibunterricht zu übertragen und anzuwenden. Abschließend werden weitere Bereiche des Deutschunterrichts aufgezeigt, in denen das Quaestio-Modell zur Verbesserung der Schreib-und zur Förderung der Lesekompetenz beitragen kann. Referenzen Eisenberg, P./ Menzel, W. (1995): Grammatik-Werkstatt. Praxis Deutsch 129, Hayse, J. R./ Flower, L. S. (1980): Identifying the organization of writing 324

344 Haus 6, Raum S25 processes. In: L. W. Gregg/ E. R. Steinberg (eds.), Cognitive processes in writing: An interdisciplinary approach. Hillsdale: Erlbaum, Klein, W./ von Stutterheim, C. (1987): Quaestio und referentielle Bewegung in Erzählungen. Linguistische Berichte 109, von Stutterheim, C. (1997): Einige Prinzipien des Textaufbaus. Empirische Untersuchungen zur Produktion mündlicher Texte. Tübingen: Niemeyer. AG13 325

345 Die Nr. 1 auf den neuesten Stand bringen? Wenn dann richtig. Buch 39,95 ISBN CD-ROM 34,95 ISBN Buch plus CD-ROM 49,95 ISBN Die Nr. 1 der Bedeutungswörterbücher der deutschen Gegenwartssprache umfasst mehr als Stichwörter, Bedeutungsangaben und Anwendungsbeispiele sowie rund zusätzliche Angaben zu Rechtschreibung, Aussprache, Herkunft, Grammatik und Stil. Zudem werden auch Fach- und Sondersprachen, Mundarten und Stilebenen berücksichtigt.

346 Arbeitsgruppe 14 Workshop on the Visualization of Linguistic Patterns Annette Hautli Thomas Mayer Workshop description With the availability of large amounts of electronic corpora, the computational analysis of natural language allows for the search of linguistic patterns in a broad range of data. Yet the enormous amounts of data make the detection of interesting patterns and possible interactions a laborious and time-consuming task. The need to analyze the interplay of a multitude of factors calls for an additional component that renders potential patterns more easily accessible to the human perception. Although linguists have successfully employed visual representations in some areas (e.g. spectrograms in phonetic research, tree diagrams for syntactic and genealogical configurations and the widespread use of box plots and other graphical descriptive techniques), there is enormous potential for more sophisticated visualization techniques that enable the researcher to investigate the information interactively. At the same time, a well-designed visualization allows for a more detailed view of individual aspects of potentially interesting patterns. The mapping of relevant features to visual variables (rather than having them represented by a host of numbers) thereby enhances the detection of patterns by providing an at-a-glance overview over large amounts of data. The aim of this interdisciplinary workshop is to bring together linguists and visual analysts to provide an opportunity for fruitful discussions on how language research that employs data-rich methods can benefit from visualization techniques. The interest lies both in the application of innovative visualization techniques to long-standing problems in linguistics as well as in AG14 327

347 Haus 6, Raum S25 new areas or phenomena where visual analyses have proven useful to either generate or confirm hypotheses on the basis of the data. AG14 Tackling a grand challenge in the visualization of language and linguistic data Chris Culy / U. Tübingen Mittwoch, 13.3., 14:10 15:00 Grinstein 2012 proposes a grand challenge for the field of Information Visualization, namely to develop a system that automatically produces a best visualization of a user s data according to the type of data, the user s task, the user s preferences, and the ambient conditions. He acknowledges that this grand challenge is not possible at this time that is what makes it a grand challenge after all. However, he also points out that we can achieve many worthwhile goals along the way to addressing the challenge. While some may feel that Grinstein s grand challenge will never be possible, I believe it is worth taking as a point of departure for the area of visualization of language and linguistic data. The field of LInfoVis (or LangVis) is very new, although there is an increasing number of people developing visualization tools. Grinstein s grand challenge provides us with one way to shape a research agenda, something that LInfoVis does not currently have. Whether or not the ultimate goal of a purely automatic system is attainable, as Grinstein points out, we can accomplish many interesting things along the way. So how can we get started? A reasonable approach is to consider just a part of the grand challenge, automatically selecting visualizations appropriate to the user s task. There has been research since the 1980s, now found in commercial applications, which focuses on taking tables of (mostly numeric) data and automatically making suggestions for optimal visualizations based on the type of data to be visualized (cf. Mackinlay et al. 2007). These applications are a first step. However, since they are aimed at being very generic, they do not have any knowledge of the task the user intends to do. One way to start to incorporate information about the user s task is to start with a limited domain of data. We can discover what types of tasks language and linguistic professionals (would) do with this data, and then devise appropriate visualizations for these data and task combinations. To this end, I propose working with dataset genres, a collection of data that has some particular connecting theme. For example, letters are a type of genre, but a collection of letters involving a specific set of people is a type of dataset genre. 328

348 Haus 6, Raum S25 In this light, I will discuss the our pilot project concerning letters between Elizabeth Barrett and Robert Browning. Two important aspects are creating visualizations for more complex data types than just numbers (KWIC, syntactic diagrams, etc.) and developing those visualizations as reusable components. While the project is still in the initial phase, I believe that it is an exciting approach to advancing the state of research in LInfoVis. References Georges Grinstein New Grand Challenges in Information Visualization: New Theories, New Devices, and New Capabilities. Keynote address at iv2012, Montpellier, France. July 10-13, 2012 Jock D. Mackinlay, Pat Hanrahan, and Chris Stolte Show Me: Automatic Presentation for Visual Analysis. IEEE Transactions on Visualization and Computer Graphics 13:6, Tracking change in word meaning. A dynamic visualization of diachronic distributional semantic models Kris Heylen, Thomas Wielfaert, and Dirk Speelman U. Leuven Mittwoch, 13.3., 15:00 15:30 Within Computational Linguistics, distributional models of semantics have become the mainstay of large-scale modeling of lexical semantics (see Turney and Pantel 2010 for an overview). Distributional modeling also hold a large potential for research in Linguistics proper: It allow linguists to base their analysis on large amounts of usage data, thus vastly extending their empirical basis, AND they make it possible to detect potentially interesting semantic patterns. However, so far, there have been relatively few applications, mainly because of the technical complexity and the lack of a linguist-friendly interface to explore the output. To address this issue, Heylen et al. (2012) proposed an interactive visualization of a distributional similarity matrix based on Multi-Dimensional Scaling for synchronic data. In this paper, we extend this approach to diachronic data and propose a dynamic visualization of distributional semantic change through motion charts. As a case study, we look at the meaning changes that 17 positive evaluative adjectives have undergone in the Corpus of Historical American English (COHA, Davies 2012) between 1860 and Visualization of diachronic distributional data has been proposed previously by a.o. Rohrdantz et al. (2011) but these representations were static. In AG14 329

349 Haus 6, Raum S25 AG14 this paper, we use a dynamic visualization of linguistic change, first proposed by Hilpert (2011) for manually coded data sets, and extend here to the largescale, unsupervised distributional models. For a set of adjectives that express positive evaluation (a.o. brilliant, magnificent, fantastic, terrific, superb). We investigate how they carve up this semantic space and how this changes over time. From COHA, we extracted a word-by-context co-occurrence vector using a window of 4 left and right for each adjective in each of the 14 decades between 1860 and Next, we calculated the cosine similarity between all adjective/decade vectors and used non-parametric MDS to represent these similarities in 2 dimensions. The MDS solution with adjective and decade information was then visualized with the R-package googlevis, an interface between R and the Google Visualization API. The resulting, dynamic motion chart is available online under https://perswww.kuleuven.be/ u /magnificent/magnificent3d.html. The chart shows adjectives as clickable bubbles with a time slider to move between decades. Playing the chart shows dynamically how the semantic distances between the adjectives changes over time. In the center, adjectives like splendid, magnificent or great represent the core of the concept and they remain relatively stable over time. However, figure 1 shows that terrific was in 1860 still quite far removed from the center, probably because it was still predominantly used in its literal sense of FRIGHTENING. Only around 1950, terrific starts to move to the core and acquires its positive evaluative meaning. Since, distributional models are a completely automatic technique with a multitude of possible parameter settings, this particular solution is probably not yet optimal. An important next step is therefore the evaluation of the automatically induced patterns against a manually coded and interpreted dataset. 330

350 Haus 6, Raum S25 Movement of terrific and great through distributional space from 1860 to 2000 References Davies, M. 2010: online. The Corpus of Historical American English (COHA): 400+ million words, Available at: (accessed August 2012). Heylen, K., Speelman, D., & Geeraerts, D. (2012). Looking at word meaning. An interactive visualization of Semantic Vector Spaces for Dutch synsets.proceedings of the EACL-2012 joint workshop of LINGVIS & UNCLH: Visualization of Language Patters and Uncovering Language History from Multilingual Resources, Hilpert, M. (2011). Dynamic visualizations of language change: Motion charts on the basis of bivariate and multivariate data from diachronic corpora. International Journal of Corpus Linguistics 16(4), Rohrdantz, C., Hautli, A., Mayer, T., Butt, M., Keim, D. A., & Plank, F. (2011). Towards Tracking Semantic Change by Visual Analytics. Proceedings of the 49th Annual Meeting of the Association for Computational Linguistics: Human Language Technologies, Turney, P. D., & Pantel, P. (2010). From Frequency to Meaning: Vector Space Models of Semantics. Journal of Artificial Intelligence Research, 37(1), AG14 Seeing it in color: Visualization of color term reference The study is based on an extensive self-compiled corpus of color names and color samples (over observations) that were manually and semiautomatically extracted from websites used by US manufacturers and retailers for online marketing in four product categories (automobiles, clothing, makeup, and house paints). The material includes linguistic, sociolectal and refe- 331

351 Haus 6, Raum S25 rential parameters of color naming in advertising and is specifically compiled to allow language-independent measurement of the color term reference using the RGB values of the color samples. The first part of the paper demonstrates the interactive visualization of the variation in the referential range of color terms of different specificity, internal color category structure and referential overlap of color terms in the different color naming situations. We will focus on the possible application of the technique for the analysis of the semantic relations between color categories including synonymy and hyponymy and the prototypicality effects in color category construal. In the second part, we will discuss the possible quantification of the referential aspects of color term meanings that can be derived from mapping of their referential range in a 3d color space. More specifically, such measurements as volume and density of the color term referential range and interpoint distances between the exemplars of individual color terms will be used to analyze the usage of the color terms from an onomasiological perspective. AG14 The referential range of the schematic concept BLUE in Lab color space References Kerttula, Seija English Colour Terms: Etymology, Chronology, and Relative Basicness. Mémoires de la Société Néophilologique de Helsinki, Vol. LX. Helsinki: Société Néophilologique. Steinvall, Anders English Color Terms in Context. PhD dissertation, Umeå University: Skrifter från moderna språk

352 Haus 6, Raum S25 interhist an interactive visualization for statistically enhanced query structures Verena Lyding, Lionel Nicolas, and Egon Stemle European Academy of Bozen Mittwoch, 13.3., 16:30 17:00 The growing amount of empirical data poses a particular challenge to humandriven corpus analysis, as large sets of query results are laborious to process in terms of grouping, sorting, or detecting patterns. With interhist we propose a compact visualization for the interactive exploration of results to complex corpus queries. It introduces an intermediate layer between a query definition and the set of results by enhancing the linguistic structure of the query with quantitative information derived from the corpus resulting in a single sequence of stacked histograms. We showcase interhist for noun phrases in Italian. The abstraction over KWIC results is based on part-of-speech information (POS), while different token-level information 2, e.g. semantic labels, could be employed. Data on simplified Italian noun phrases (cf. Renzi, ) are extracted from a free corpus of Italian web texts (www.corpusitaliano.it). It yields about 24 million examples, approximated by the query: predeterminer? (determiner demonstrative/possessive pronoun)? adjective* noun (adjective verb ending in ti te to ta)?. 2 The limited visual capacity of histograms requires token-level attributes to have a restricted set of values. 3 L. Renzi, ed. 1988: Grande grammatica italiana di consultazione, vol I. La frase. I sintagmi nominale e preposizionale, Bologna:Il Mulino. AG14 333

353 Haus 6, Raum S25 Figure 1: interhist for Italian noun phrases AG14 Figure 1 shows a basic interhist visualization. Token positions are calculated relative to the anchor noun. The category not-in-np designates positions not covered by all noun phrases. One position left of the noun, determiners are the most frequent POS followed by adjectives. Two positions left predeterminers are more frequent than adjectives. Interactive properties of interhist allow to generate second-level histograms for each token position, based on a condition introduced by the user. Figure 2 shows per token position a primary histogram for the distribution of POS in relation to the entire results set (cf. Figure 1) plus recalculated distributions with respect to the condition: tokens left-1 of noun are restricted to POS adjective. Color is used for corresponding POS. Frequencies are indicated by the height of histogram segments. The anchor noun determines the results total, displayed on top of the frequency bar. A red border marks the restricting POS segment, as selected by the user, and second-level histograms accordingly. Displaying POS distributions 4 for the full and restricted results set side by side allows for the analysis of their interdependencies. In Figure 2 we observe the frequency of adjectives in position left-2 increasing, with predeterminers decreasing. interhist can be applied to any ngram with a specified anchor element. In this, interhist connects to visualization work on ngrams/concordances (e.g. Web Trigrams by C. Harrison, Word Tree and Phrase Nets by Wattenberg/ Viégas, 4 First-level and second-level histograms are calculated on totals for the full and restricted results set. 334

354 Haus 6, Raum S25 and van Ham). interhist s central innovation is the abstraction from token sequences to sequences of distributions of token characteristics (i.e. linguistic annotations) condensing 24 Mio results into one visualization. interhist will be implemented based on D3, and integrated with a query processor. Future work targets the flexible combination of conditions. Logarithmic weighting of query results will be provided next to relative frequencies. Figure 2: interhist for Italian noun phrases, with position left-1 restricted to POS adjective AG14 Visualizing Toponym Clusters on an Interactive Map Agnia Barsukova and Daniil Sorokin / U. Tübingen Mittwoch, 13.3., 17:00 17:30 Toponymic research shows that by grouping place names according to their derivational similarity and studying their geographical distribution, one can sometimes infer where peoples speaking different languages (and therefore partial to corresponding derivational patterns) live or used to live. This claim has been proved valid for some languages with rich morphology, including Russian. Yet it is nearly impossible to draw any sort of conclusions when the toponyms and their groupings are not visualized graphically, and are only accessible as database entries. Therefore, we have created a visualization 335

355 Haus 6, Raum S25 AG14 tool for those investigating toponym distribution in Russia to facilitate their research, while having a wider range of potential users in mind. The visualization is part of a web application designed to display various datasets of toponyms. The tool consists of an interactive map on which multiple groups of toponyms can be depicted, accompanied by a number of controls for manipulating the data, its representation on the map, and the map itself. A set of toponyms, to every one of which a formant (i.e., its derivational suffix) was manually assigned, has become a basis for the visualization. It comprises ca. 200 toponyms along with formant and coordinates information. Two automatically constructed datasets were also included for demonstration purposes, one for Russian and one for German. Information about place names, coordinates, and population (in the surrounding area of 7 km radius) has been extracted from a free online gazetteer. The tool allows to work with multiple toponym groups, providing means for displaying their members on the map, changing granularity of the grouping, investigating toponym distribution against an overall population density layer, etc. Although no formal interviews prior to designing the tool had been conducted, a minimal set of necessary features has been developed with the help of a domain expert on the team who is personally interested in the tool. Besides, the head of the toponymic research group in Russia has been contacted for informal discussions both before and during the development. Feedback (in the form of bug reports and feature requests) has also been collected from linguists not partaking in yet familiar with toponymic research during the development. Once the mentioned bugs were fixed and some of the requested features were implemented, we performed a formal evaluation to ascertain the overall level of satisfaction with the tool. The results showed both that the tool could be used as it was to draw linguistic insights about toponym distribution, and that there was still much more information that it could be augmented with to make it even more attractive for domain experts and other potential users we hope to find in historians, dialectologists, and ethnographers. Now that the first stage of development is finished, we are working on expanding the tool functionalities. We will point out some flaws and weaknesses of the original application and cover the changes we will have made to it. 336

356 Haus 6, Raum S25 Map of the Leningrad region References A. Gerd, I. Azarova, S. Fyodorov, I. Nikolaev, A. Dmitriev. Automated database of toponymic data for Ingria area W. Luo. Terrain characteristics and tai toponyms: a gis analysis of muang, chiang and viang Visualizing morphological patterns in inflectional paradigms Sebastian Bank, Daniela Henze, Jochen Trommer and Eva Zimmermann / U. Leipzig Mittwoch, 13.3., 17:30 18:00 In this talk we present an interactive visual representation tool for inflectional paradigms that assists pattern recognition. Paradigms: In the field of morphology the base for every inflectional analysis are paradigms, i.e. collections of all inflectional forms of one and the same lexeme arranged into a matrix of their meanings. They play a central role in the definition of a language s inflectional morphology (Stump, 2001). With the right organization, they allow to visually spot the different morphemes and infer their meaning from the contexts (=paradigm cells) in which they occur. The presentation of word forms in a paradigm allows to easily identify and classify partial or full syncretism, i.e. the phenomenon that the same marker or full word form can occur with different morphological meanings (Baerman et al., 2005). Interactive reorganization and coloring on different criteria helps to recognize such patterns which are hard to detect if forms are examined for themselves. AG14 337

357 Haus 6, Raum S25 AG14 Background: In our research project, we are especially concerned with paradigms of intransitive and transitive verbal agreement where verbs are inflected for up to four persons (1 st exclusive, 1 st inclusive, 2 nd, 3 rd ) and three numbers (singular, dual, plural). The number of cells in such an agreement paradigm easily increases to 100 and more members. If all tense and mood combinations or different historical stages are to be considered the amount of data easily exceeds the quantity from which patterns can be grasped without the help of visualization methods. Visualization: A visualization tool for morphological paradigms must employ four basic mechanisms. 1) Highlighting data: To identify the distribution of a specific morpheme across one or a set of paradigms, it is necessary to highlight every occurence of it. This allows to draw generalizations about its meaning, i.e. the invariable set of morphological features that are common to all its occurences. On the other side, a possibility to overlook the distribution of all morphemes that are specified for a certain set of morphological features is needed, for example all exponents marking first person (cf. (1)) or a certain argument. With help of this, one can abstract away from the actual forms and just search for visual patterns that allow to detect global generalizations (e.g. the fact that first person exponents are only absent in 1 3 contexts in (1)). 2) Hiding data: In certain cases, it can be helpful to hide unnecessary data which distracts from the point of interest. 3) Restructuring data: A recurrent theme in morphology is the organization of cells in a paradigm (Plank, 1991a,b). Categories with similar meaning should appear adjacent to each other. However, often such similarity relations between cells are not clear a priori or are not the same for each paradigm. A helpful feature is therefore the possibility to reorder cells online. 4) Aggregating related data: A further aspect is the illustration of additional information of the collected data. In analysing verbal inflection paradigms, information about the underlying and the surface form of an exponent, its meaning, possible allomorphy patterns or phonological rules have to be accessible from within the paradigm. For example, an easy possibility to switch from underlying to surface realization of a paradigm or to show details about a certain morpheme are of importance. Implementation: Paradigms, morphemes, phonological rules, etc. are represented by easily editable documents kept under the version control of a wiki. A semantic-web-extension of the wiki software makes the data structures (e.g. for validation, search, aggregation) accessible and prepares them for different visualizations. The visualization itself is implemented in the webbrowser as a JavaScript. For different languages, an unlimited number of paradigms can be included and all can be arranged on different summary sites to compa- 338

358 Haus 6, Raum S25 re them with one another. Each paradigm consists of cells which themselves consist of a string of morphemes. These morphemes contain different information: e.g. the underlying form, its meaning, phonological rules that apply to modify its surface form. This can be accessed directly from each paradigm.the user can switch between underlying and surface forms. He can highlight all features used in the specific paradigm, i.e. exponents, their inherent features and paradigm specific features. This can be done with one or more items at once, which in the latter case can than be combined in AND and OR relations. The pictures in (1) show an intransitive and transitive paradigm where the exponent -ko (red) and the feature +1 (green) are highlighted. The combination of detailed annotated data and a tool to easily deal with them allows not only the structured collection of a great amount of morphological data, but also the visualization of different morphological patterns throughout a great number of contexts and greatly simplifies the development and the testability of analyses. References Baerman, Matthew, D. Brown and G.G. Corbett (2005), The syntax-morphology interface: a study of syncretism, Vol. 109, Cambridge University Press. Plank, Frans (1991a), Of abundance and scantiness in inflection: A typological prelude, in F.Plank, ed., Paradigms the economy of inflection, Mouton de Gruyter, pp Plank, Frans (1991b), Rasmus rask s dilemma, in F.Plank, ed., Paradigms the economy of inflection, Mouton de Gruyter, pp Stump, Gregory T. (2001), Inflectional Morphology, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. AG14 339

359 Haus 6, Raum S25 (1) Kohi (Kiranti) inflectional agreement paradigms AG14 340

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