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1 S Sicherheit und Frieden FSecurity and Peace Herausgeber: Prof. Dr. Michael Brzoska Dr. Walter E. Feichtinger Dr. Volker Franke Prof. Dr. Hans J. Giessmann Prof. Dr. Heiner Hänggi Dr. Axel Krohn Dr. Patricia Schneider Themenschwerpunkt: Gender und Sicherheit Gender and Security Hypermasculine War Games: Triangulating US-India-China Payal Banerjee and L.H.M. Ling Political and Socio-Economic Aspects of Gender Equality and the Onset of Civil War Margit Bussmann Gleichstellung der Geschlechter in der UN-Verwaltung im Bereich Friedenskonsolidierung Ulrike Baumgärtner 1 ISSN Jahrgang X Nomos Gender, Gerechtigkeit und Sicherheit in Nachkriegsgesellschaften Plädoyer für einen holistischen Ansatz der Friedensförderung Martina Fischer Kriegerische Maskulinitätskonstrukte und sexualisierte Gewalt in Sierra Leone und Uganda Rita Schäfer Wartime Rape: Identifying Knowledge Gaps and their Implications Elvan Isikozlu and Ananda Millard Weitere Beiträge von... Michael Paul, Thomas Müller-Färber und Roland Hiemann

2 I m p r e s s u m I n h a lt Schriftleitung: Prof. Dr. Michael Brzoska Redaktion: Dr. Martin Kahl (V.i.S.d.P.) Dr. Regina Heller Dr. Patricia Schneider Sybille Reinke de Buitrago Susanne Bund Redaktionsanschrift: S+F c/o IFSH, Beim Schlump 83, D Hamburg Tel Fax Website: Druck und Verlag: Nomos Verlagsgesellschaft mbh & Co. KG, Waldseestr. 3-5, D Baden-Baden, Tel , Fax Anzeigenverwaltung und Anzeigenannahme: Sales friendly Bettina Roos, Siegburger Straße 123, Bonn, Tel , Fax , Die Zeitschrift, sowie alle in ihr enthaltenen einzelnen Beiträge und Abbildungen sind urheberrechtlich geschützt. Jede Verwertung, die nicht ausdrücklich vom Urheberrechtsgesetz zugelassen ist, bedarf der vorherigen Zustimmung des Verlags. Namentlich gekennzeichnete Artikel müssen nicht die Meinung der Herausgeber/ Redaktion wiedergeben. Unverlangt eingesandte Manuskripte für die keine Haftung übernommen wird gelten als Veröffentlichungsvorschlag zu den Bedingungen des Verlages. Es werden nur unveröffentlichte Originalarbeiten angenommen. Die Verfasser erklären sich mit einer nicht sinnentstellenden redaktionellen Bearbeitung einverstanden. Erscheinungsweise: vierteljährlich Bezugspreis 2010: jährlich 79,, Einzelheft 22,, Jahresabonnement für Studenten 57, (gegen Nachweis). Alle Preise verstehen sich inkl. MwSt. zzgl. Versandkosten; Bestellungen nehmen entgegen: Der Buchhandel und der Verlag; Kündigung: Drei Monate vor Kalenderjahresende. Zahlungen jeweils im Voraus an: Nomos Verlagsgesellschaft, Postbank Karlsruhe, Konto (BLZ ) und Stadtsparkasse Baden-Baden, Konto (BLZ ). I issn X Dieser Ausgabe liegen Prospekte der Nomos Verlagsgesellschaft bei. Wir bitten freundlichst um Beachtung. Editorial III Themenschwerpunkt Gender und Sicherheit Gender and Security Hypermasculine War Games: Triangulating US-India-China Payal Banerjee and L.H.M. Ling Political and Socio-Economic Aspects of Gender Equality and the Onset of Civil War Margit Bussmann Gleichstellung der Geschlechter in der UN-Verwaltung im Bereich Friedenskonsolidierung Ulrike Baumgärtner Gender, Gerechtigkeit und Sicherheit in Nachkriegsgesellschaften Plädoyer für einen holistischen Ansatz der Friedensförderung Martina Fischer Kriegerische Maskulinitätskonstrukte und sexualisierte Gewalt in Sierra Leone und Uganda Rita Schäfer Wartime Rape: Identifying Knowledge Gaps and their Implications Elvan Isikozlu and Ananda Millard BEITRÄGE AUS SICHERHEITSPOLITIK UND F R I E D E N S F O R S C H U N G Licht am Ende des Tunnels? Der Aufbau der Afghanischen Nationalarmee Michael Paul Das Verbot von Chemiewaffen: Fünf Hürden auf dem Weg zu einer chemiewaffenfreien Welt Thomas Müller-Färber und Roland Hiemann NEUERSCHEINUNGEN ANNOTATIONEN BESPRECHUNGEN Dieses Heft wurde aus Mitteln der Deutschen Stiftung Friedensforschung gefördert. S + F Security and Peace 28. Jahrgang, S /2010 Sicherheit und Frieden S+F (28. Jg.) 1/2010

3 S+F lädt Autorinnen und Autoren zur Einsendung von Beiträgen zur Veröffentlichung ein S+F ist die führende deutsche Fachzeitschrift für Friedensforschung und Sicherheitspolitik. S+F will Forum der Kommunikation für Wissenschaft und Politik, zwischen ziviler Gesellschaft und Streitkräften sein, in dem Analyse, Insiderbericht, Standortbestimmung und Einschätzung Platz haben. Entscheidend für die Veröffentlichung ist der Beitrag eines Textes zu nationalen und internationalen Diskussionen in der Sicherheitspolitik und Friedensforschung, von naturwissenschaftlichen Aspekten der Rüstungskontrolle bis zu Fragen der Nationenbildung in Nachkriegsgesellschaften. Jedes Heft von S+F ist einem Schwerpunktthema gewidmet. Neben Beiträgen zum Schwerpunkt werden aber auch Texte zu allgemeinen Themen der Sicherheitspolitik und Friedensforschung veröffentlicht. Autorinnen und Autoren haben die Wahl zwischen Beurteilung der Texte durch Herausgeber und Redaktion oder einem zusätzlichen Begutachtungsverfahren mit externen Gutachtern (peer-reviewed, anonymisiert). Dieses Verfahren nimmt mehr Zeit in Anspruch (zur Erstellung der Gutachten, für die Überarbeitung etc.). S+F strebt an, den Anteil der extern referierten Aufsätze zu erhöhen, wird aber auch weiterhin Texte veröffentlichen, deren Qualität von der Redaktion und dem für ein Heft verantwortlichen Herausgeber beurteilt wurde. Die nachfolgend angegebenen Deadlines gelten für die Einreichung von Beiträgen im Rahmen der jeweiligen Schwerpunktthemen. Aufsätze zu Themen außerhalb der Schwerpunkte können jederzeit eingereicht werden. Call for papers/ Herausgeber und Redaktion rufen zur Einsendung von Beiträgen auf Folgende Schwerpunktthemen sind für die nächsten Hefte von S+F vorgesehen: 4/2010: Afghanistan Die internationale Gemeinschaft am Scheideweg?, Deadline 01. Juni /2011: Konflikte in Asien: Regionale und transnationale Dimensionen, Deadline 31. August 2010 Texte können in englischer oder deutscher Sprache verfasst sein und sollten bis Zeichen (inkl. Leerzeichen) umfassen. Weitere Hinweise für Autorinnen und Autoren finden sich auf der Webseite der Zeitschrift unter Autorenhinweise. Bitte richten Sie Ihre Fragen an: Website: S+F invites authors to submit suitable papers for publication S+F is the leading German journal for peace research and security policy. S+F aims to serve as a forum of analysis, insider reports and opinion pieces for research and politics linking civil society and the armed forces. Decisions on publication are made on the basis of the contribution of a text to national and international discussions on peace and security issues, considering scientific aspects of arms control to questions of nation-building in post-war societies. Every issue of S+F is focused on a particular theme. In addition, texts addressing general aspects of security policy and peace research are also published. Authors can choose to have the text evaluated by the publisher and editorial team or by an external evaluation process (double-blind peer-review), the latter is more time intensive (for the evaluation process, revision, etc.). S+F intends to increase the number of externally evaluated contributions but will continue to publish texts which have been assessed by the editorial team and the publisher responsible for the issue. The deadlines listed below are for contributions for a specific theme. Contributions on other topics can be made at any time. Call for Papers/ Publisher and editorial team call for contributions The next issues of S+F will have the following themes: 4/2010: Afghanistan The International Community at the Crossroads?, Deadline 01 June /2011: Conflicts in Asia: Regional and Transnational Dimensions, Deadline 31 August 2010 Texts may be written in English or German and should be between 25,000-30,000 characters long (incl. spaces). Further information for authors can be found on the magazine website under Notes to Authors. Please direct your queries to: Website: Die Artikel der Zeitschrift S+F werden in mehreren nationalen und internationalen bibliographischen Datenbanken nachgewiesen. Dazu gehören u.a. Online Contents OLC-SSG Politikwissenschaft und Friedensforschung, PAIS (Public Affairs Information Service) International Database, Worldwide Political Science Abstracts und World Affairs Online (hrsg. vom Fachinformationsverbund Internationale Beziehungen und Länderkunde FIV) (siehe auch Articles of the journal S+F are entered in various national and international bibliographic databases. Among them are Online Contents OLC-SSG Politikwissenschaft und Friedensforschung (Political Science and Peace Research), PAIS (Public Affairs Information Service) International Database, Worldwide Political Science Abstracts and World Affairs Online (by the Fachinformationsverbund Internationale Beziehungen und Länderkunde FIV / The German Information Network International Relations and Area Studies) (see also II S+F (28. Jg.) 1/2010

4 E D I T O R I A L Gender und Sicherheit Gender ist nicht nur ein Frauenthema. Die Geschlechterthematik ist für alle von zentraler Bedeutung, wenn es darum geht, die Lebensbedingungen sowohl in sich entwickelnden als auch in bereits entwickelten Teilen der Welt zu verbessern. Unter dem Eindruck, dass Zivilpersonen, insbesondere Frauen und Kinder, die weitaus größte Mehrheit der von bewaffneten Konflikten betroffenen Personen stellen, verabschiedete der Sicherheitsrat der Vereinten Nationen im Oktober 2000 die Resolution 1325, auf deren Grundlage der Geschlechterperspektive mehr Raum gegeben und insbesondere auch eine erhöhte Repräsentanz von Frauen auf allen Entscheidungsebenen nationaler, regionaler und internationaler Institutionen gewährleistet werden soll. Parallel zur Resolution 1325 verpflichtete sich die internationale Gemeinschaft in den UN-Millenniumszielen (MDG), die Gleichstellung der Geschlechter sowie die Partizipations- und Gestaltungsmöglichkeiten ( empowerment ) von Frauen zu fördern. Allerdings zeigt der Fortschrittsbericht aus dem Jahr 2009, dass vor allem im Bereich Bildung und Ausbildung die Gleichstellung der Geschlechter noch lange nicht erreicht ist. Nicht zuletzt die weltweite Finanzkrise hat weitere Hürden auf diesem Weg geschaffen. Insbesondere Frauen werden die Auswirkungen der Finanzkrise noch lange zu spüren bekommen. Armut, Ungleichheit, Militarisierung, Fehlentwicklungen und die Missachtung von Menschenrechten und grundlegenden Bedürfnissen sind zentrale Faktoren, die sich darauf auswirken, wie sicher oder gefährdet Menschen sich fühlen bzw. tatsächlich sind. Eine logische Konsequenz aus den komplexen Widersprüchen des heutigen internationalen Systems ist es, sowohl bei politischen Entscheidungen als auch in wissenschaftlichen Analysen den Blick auf die Probleme von Frauen sie gehören zu den am meisten gefährdeten Gruppen zu richten und den Betrachtungshorizont um die Gleichstellungsthematik zu erweitern. Denn eine gender-sensible Perspektive kann unser Verständnis hinsichtlich sozialer, politischer, ökonomischer, kultureller und sicherheitsrelevanter Probleme in zweifacher Hinsicht verbessern: (1) indem sie Rollen von Frauen hinterfragt und unmittelbare Bedrohungen ihrer Sicherheit und Gesundheit untersucht sowie (2) indem sie patriarchalische Philosophien und Strukturen hinterfragt, die bis heute nicht nur einzelne Gesellschaften, sondern auch das internationale System als Ganzes dominieren. Sie haben eine Realität geschaffen, in der Herrschaft in erster Linie als Dominanz über andere propagiert und dieses Herrschaftsprinzip als Garant für die Wahrung von Sicherheit angesehen wird. Wenn alle Stricke reißen, dann greifen die Akteure (traditionell Staaten) zu (militärischer) Gewalt, um ihre eigene Sicherheit zu schützen und auszubauen. Unter direkter, struktureller und kultureller Gewalt leiden in der Regel diejenigen am meisten, die am verwundbarsten sind. In einer Welt, die zunehmend vernetzt ist und in der wir immer mehr von anderen abhängig sind, kann die Sicherheit der einen nicht auf der Unsicherheit anderer aufgebaut werden. Mehr Sicherheit und Wohlergehen für Frauen und andere schutzbedürftiger Gruppen tragen auch zur Erhöhung der Sicherheit aller bei. Im vergangenen Jahrhundert, insbesondere seit dem Ende des Kalten Krieges, sind bedeutende Schritte unternommen worden, um den Status und die Chancen von Frauen zu verbessern. Doch es bleibt noch viel zu tun, sollen wirklich alle geschlechtsspezifischen Barrieren niedergerissen werden. Ein wirkliches Bekenntnis zu einer gender-bewussten Herangehensweise in der Forschung und politischen Praxis kann nicht nur einfach in der Erhöhung des Frauenanteils in Politik, Wirtschaft oder Wissenschaft liegen. Wirklicher Wandel erfordert eine Veränderung des Diskurses, innerhalb dessen wir uns über die sozialen Beziehungen sowie die Mittel zur Konfliktbeilegung verständigen. Ein erster sinnvoller Schritt auf diesem Weg wäre, Sicherheitsbedrohungen anhand des erweiterten Konzepts von menschlicher Sicherheit zu fassen. Während in den Reihen politischer Entscheidungsträger hier durchaus einige Fortschritte zu erkennen sind, bleibt die Forschung größtenteils leider einem traditionellen Schubladendenken verhaftet, das weitgehend durch patriarchalisches Denken geprägt ist. Wie das Autorenverzeichnis zu diesem Themenheft zeigt, scheint Gender und Sicherheit immer noch ein Nischenthema zu sein, mit dem sich in erster Linie Wissenschaftlerinnen beschäftigen. Doch solange wir den Gender-Diskurs selbst nicht geschlechtsneutral führen, wird jede Veränderung im Ansatz stecken bleiben. Die Vielfalt der konzeptionellen Ansätze und empirischen Analysen, die in dieser Ausgabe von S+F vorgestellt werden, zeigen die zentrale Bedeutung von Geschlechterfragen für jede Diskussion über Sicherheit, Konfliktprävention, Konfliktbearbeitung, Aussöhnung nach Konflikten, Friedenssicherung und Wiederaufbau. Ohne einen Anspruch auf Vollständigkeit erheben zu wollen, spiegeln die vorliegenden Beiträge doch die Komplexität der Fragestellungen wider, die an der Schnittstelle von Gender und Sicherheit auftauchen. Sie reichen von einer theoretischen Umdeutung des Sicherheitsdiskurses über die Notwendigkeit institutioneller Anpassungen bis hin zur Berücksichtigung der Geschlechter-Problematik für die Entstehung von Konflikten, ihre Bewältigung und Transformation. Auf einer systemischen Ebene und aus feministischer Perspektive untersuchen Payal Banerjee und L.H.M. Ling in ihrem Beitrag die Dreiecksbeziehung zwischen den USA, Indien und China. Sie kommen zu dem Schluss, dass sich durch Triangulation hypermaskuline Kriegsspiele verfestigen. So werden viele andere Möglichkeiten für gegenseitiges empowerment, das sich aus der Vielfalt der beteiligten Kulturen ergeben könnte, unmöglich gemacht. Was bleibt, ist der bloße Wettbewerb innerhalb einer hergebrachten patriarchalischen Sicherheitshierarchie. Banerjee und Ling veranschaulichen, wie das Sicherheitsproblem umformuliert werden könnte, indem sie auf eine Reihe von erkenntnistheoretischen Alternativen zurückgreifen. Neuere empirische Befunde deuten auf einen signifikanten Zusammenhang zwischen Diskriminierung aufgrund des Geschlechts und dem Ausbruch von Bürgerkriegen hin. Auf der Grundlage einer empirischen Analyse von Konflikten in 110 Ländern, die zwischen 1985 und 2000 stattgefunden haben, schlussfolgert Margit Bussmann, dass ein höherer Grad an politischer Repräsentanz von Frauen, insbesondere aber auch eine stärkere wirtschaftliche Beteiligung der weiblichen Bevölkerung und ein verbesserter Zugang zu medizinischer Versorgung, die Chancen für einen dauerhaften inneren Frieden verbessern. Ulrike Baumgärtner nimmt sich in ihrem Beitrag die Resolution 1325 des UN-Sicherheitsrates vor. Sie untersucht, wie weit die Vereinten Nationen das darin formulierte Ziel, die Gleichstellung von Männern und Frauen in der eigenen Bürokratie zu fördern, in der Praxis von Friedenseinsätzen umgesetzt haben. Martina Fischer beschäftigt sich ebenfalls mit der Resolution 1325, allerdings geht es ihr eher um die Bewertung ihrer Folgen. Fischer macht deutlich, wie wichtig es ist, die Genderperspektive in die Konfliktnachsorge und Friedenskonsolidierung zu integrieren. Die Autorin beschäftigt sich insbesondere mit der Frage, welche gender-sensiblen Ansätze im Bereich der Übergangsjustiz ( transitional justice ) in Nachkriegsgesellschaften entwickelt worden sind, verdeutlicht das Potenzial von Frauen, Gewaltkulturen zu überwinden und diskutiert schließlich die Herausforderungen, die sich bei einer Einbeziehung der Geschlechterperspektive für Friedensforschung und -praxis ergeben. Mit dem Fokus auf sexuelle Gewalt als strukturellem Problem analysiert Rita Schäfer am Beispiel der Friedenskonsolidierung in Sierra Leone und Uganda die Konstruktion von Männlichkeit in Kriegszeiten, speziell in Bürgerkriegskontexten. Schäfer unterstreicht dabei, wie wichtig es ist, Gender als zentralen Faktor für die Gestaltung gesellschaftlicher Machtstrukturen vor, während und nach Konflikten zu verstehen. In ganz ähnlicher Weise deuten Elvan Isikozlu und Ananda Millard auf Wissenslücken in unserem Verständnis von Vergewaltigungen im Krieg hin. Die Autorinnen argumentieren, dass der Erfolg von präventiven Maßnahmen und Gegenstrategien zu einem großen Teil davon abhängt, ob und in welchem Ausmaß die Auswirkungen von Vergewaltigungen auf Familien und ihr Umfeld berücksichtigt werden. Ein weiter Einflussfaktor besteht in unserer Vorstellung und in unserem Verständnis darüber, wie sich kulturelle Kontexte auf die Häufigkeit von Vergewaltigungen und die Chancen, dass Frauen sich seelisch und körperlich davon erholen können, auswirken. Außerhalb des Themenschwerpunkts beschäftigt sich Michael Paul mit den Problemen beim Aufbau der Afghanischen Nationalarmee. Thomas Müller-Färber und Roland Hiemann analysieren fünf Hürden, die auf dem Weg zu einer chemiewaffenfreien Welt zu überwinden sind. Volker Franke S+F (28. Jg.) 1/2010 III

5 E D I T O R I A L Gender and Security Gender issues are not simply women s issues but central to improving living conditions for everyone in developing and developed parts of the world alike. Expressing concern that civilians, particularly women and children, account for the vast majority of those adversely affected by armed conflict, the United Nations Security Council passed Resolution 1325 in October 2000 to mainstream a gender perspective and to ensure increased representation of women at all decision-making levels in national, regional and international institutions. Concomitant to Resolution 1325, the international community committed itself to the promotion of gender equality and the empowerment of women as part of the UN s Millennium Development Goals (MDG). Yet, the 2009 MDG progress report shows that gender parity in education is still lagging and that the global financial crisis has created new hurdles for women who will also be more profoundly affected by its implications in the long run. Poverty, inequality, militarism, mal-development and the denial of human rights and basic needs are central to understanding how secure or insecure people feel or actually are. Focusing policy decisions and academic analyses on women, as one of the most vulnerable groups, and by extension on gender issues, is a logical response to the complex challenges affecting today s international system. A gender-aware analysis opens up our thinking about social, political, economic, cultural and security issues in two-ways: (1) by examining the position of women and the immediate threats to their security and well-being and (2) by questioning the patriarchal philosophies and structures that have dominated individual societies as well as the international system and have constructed a reality promoting power over others as most effective means to ensure security. When all else fails, actors (traditionally states) resort to the use of (military) violence to protect and enhance their security. When direct, structural or cultural violence occurs, the most vulnerable suffer the greatest. In an increasingly interconnected and interdependent world, the security of some cannot be built on the insecurity of others. Increasing security and well-being of women, and by extension other vulnerable groups, will help increase security of all. We have taken sizeable steps in the last century and especially since the end of the Cold War in improving the status of and opportunities for women, but more must be done to truly break down gender barriers. A real commitment to gender-aware analyses and policies does not stop at simply increasing the proportion of women in politics, business or academia. Real change requires a rethinking of the discourse within which we recognize, understand and explain social relations and the means to resolve conflict. Framing threats in terms of an extended conception of (human) security presents a valuable first step. Sadly, while we recognize some progress within the policy community, academia to a large extent remains trapped in traditional compartmentalized structures that are informed largely by patriarchal thinking. As the list of contributors to this special issue indicates, gender and security seems to be still a topic reserved for female scholars. Unfortunately, for as long as we allow the gender discourse itself to be gendered, real change is stifled. The diverse set of conceptual approaches and empirical analyses presented by the articles included in this issue illustrate the centrality of gender to any discussion of security, conflict prevention, conflict transformation, post-conflict reconciliation, peacebuilding and reconstruction. The articles reflect, but by no means exhaust, the complexity of issues at the intersection of gender and security, ranging from the theoretical reframing of the security discourse and the need for institutional adjustments to the import of gender issues for the onset of conflict and its resolution and transformation. At the systemic level, Payal Banerjee and L.H.M. Ling s article explores the triangular relationship between the US, India and China from a feminist perspective. The authors conclude that triangulation perpetuates a hypermasculine war game, reducing opportunities for mutual empowerment as a result of the richness of these distinct cultures to a mere competition within the traditional patriarchal security hierarchy. By drawing on a number of epistemological alternatives, Banerjee and Ling illustrate how the security problem could be reframed. Recent empirical evidence points to a significant correlation between gender discrimination and the onset of civil war. In her empirical analysis of conflicts in 110 countries between 1985 and 2000, Margit Bussmann finds that higher degrees of political representation but especially economic participation and access to health care for women improves the chances for durable domestic peace. Taking UNSC Res to task, Ulrike Baumgärtner analyzes the extent to which the United Nations itself has lived up to its promises and implemented gender equality into the polity, politics and policy of its very own peacekeeping bureaucracy. Assessing the implications of Res. 1325, Martina Fischer illustrates the importance of a gender perspective in postconflict peacebuilding. Specifically, Fischer examines attempts to develop gender-sensitive approaches for transitional justice in post-conflict societies, illustrates the potential of women to overcome cultures of violence and discusses challenges for including a gender perspective in peace research and practice. Focusing specifically on sexual violence as a structural problem, Rita Schäfer analyzes the construction of wartime masculinity in the contexts of the civil wars and the ensuing peacebuilding attempts in Sierra Leone and Uganda. Schäfer affirms the importance of understanding gender as a central factor shaping social power structures before, during and after conflicts. Along similar lines, Elvan Isikozlu and Ananda Millard identify knowledge gaps in our understanding of wartime rape. They argue that the success of prevention and response strategies will largely depend on considering the effects of wartime rape on families and their communities and on an awareness of how the cultural context affects both the occurrence of rape and recovery from it. In addition to the articles on this edition s theme, Michael Paul deals with the obstacles to the build-up of the Afghan National Army. Thomas Müller-Färber and Roland Hiemann analyse five hurdles to be overcome on the way to a chemical weapons-free world. Volker Franke IV S+F (28. Jg.) 1/2010

6 S+F Sicherheit und Frieden Security and Peace Jahrgang S Herausgeber Prof. Dr. Michael Brzoska, Institut für Friedensforschung und Sicherheitspolitik an der Universität Hamburg (IFSH) Dr. Walter E. Feichtinger, Landesverteidigungsakademie, Institut für Friedenssicherung und Konfliktmanagement, Wien Dr. Volker Franke, Kennesaw State University, Kennesaw, Georgia (USA) Prof. Dr. Hans J.Giessmann, Berghof Forschungszentrum für konstruktive Konfliktbearbeitung, Berlin Prof. Dr. Heiner Hänggi, Genfer Zentrum für die demokratische Kontrolle der Streitkräfte (DCAF), Genf Dr. Axel Krohn, Führungsakademie der Bundeswehr, Hamburg Dr. Patricia Schneider, IFSH Schriftleitung Prof. Dr. Michael Brzoska Redaktion Dr. Martin Kahl (V.i.S.d.P.), IFSH Dr. Regina Heller Dr. Patricia Schneider Sybille Reinke de Buitrago Susanne Bund Beirat Prof. Dr. Alyson J.K. Bailes, University of Iceland, Reykjavik Dr. Detlef Bald, München Prof. Dr. Susanne Buckley-Zistel, Universität Marburg Alain Deletroz, Vizepräsident International Crisis Group Prof. Dr. Pál Dunay, Genfer Zentrum für Sicherheitspolitik (GCSP) Prof. Dr. Susanne Feske, Universität Münster Prof. Dr. Heinz Gärtner, Universität Wien Prof. Dr. Laurent Götschel, Universität Basel Prof. Dr. Anton Grizold, Universität Ljubljana PD Dr. Hans-Joachim Heintze, Ruhr-Universität Bochum Dr. Sabine Jaberg, Führungsakademie der Bundeswehr Prof. Dr. Charles A. Kupchan, Georgetown University, Washington, D.C. Dr. Jocelyn Mawdesley, Newcastle University Dr. Anja Seibert-Fohr, MPI Heidelberg Dr. Marianne Wade, MPI Freiburg T H E M E N S C H W E R P U N K T Hypermasculine War Games: Triangulating US-India-China Payal Banerjee* and L.H.M. Ling** Abstract: Triangulation discourse perpetuates a hypermasculine war game that is also colonizing in nature. Participation in and complicity with this model of international relations relegate the postcolonial state to a position of subaltern mimicry that aims, constantly, to demonstrate its national manhood, so to speak. We need to change not just the rules but also the game altogether. We can begin by recognizing other relations, traditions, and ways of being. We focus on US-India-China relations as an example. Keywords: War games, hypermasculinity, international relations, US-India-China relations Kriegsspiele, Hypermaskulinität, internationale Beziehungen, Beziehungen USA-Indien-China 1. Introduction Triangulating US-India-China perpetuates hypermasculine war games. These refer to a level playing field where one leg of a triangular relationship extracts concessions from the other two to achieve a so-called balance of power. What results instead, we argue, is a global security hierarchy of race (white), gender (hypermasculinity), class (elite), and culture (Western), given the asymmetries that stratify power and resources in world politics. Under triangulation, each party is reduced to an exaggerated, faux masculine competition supposedly to achieve parity but actually reinforcing this global security hierarchy. And why, we ask, would India and China, home to one third of the world s population and now comprising its two fastest growing economies, put up with it? 1 We begin with triangulation discourse: what it is and how it is applied to US-India-China relations. Next, we examine the implications of triangulation discourse for race, gender, nationality, and class in world politics. Next, we propose * Payal Banerjee is Assistant Professor at the Department of Sociology, Smith Payal Banerjee is Assistant Professor at the Department of Sociology, Smith College, Northampton, Massachusetts. ** L.H.M. Ling is Associate Professor in the Graduate Program in International Affairs at The New School in New York. 1 India and China have their own security discourses vis-à-vis the US, as well as each other, but we touch upon these only briefly. What s more relevant for our purpose here is to understand its implications for race, gender, class, and nationality. As the world s sole superpower, the US security discourse merits special attention. S+F (28. Jg.) 1/2010 1

7 T H E M E N S C H W E R P U N K T Banerjee/Ling, Hypermasculine War Games: Triangulating US-India-China borderlands as a postcolonial-feminist alternative that views India and China on their own terms and in their own time. We conclude with the implications of this borderlands approach for US-India-China relations, in particular, and world politics, in general. 2. Triangulation: US vs India vs China John Garver s The China-India-US Triangle: Strategic Relations in the Post-Cold War Era (2002) exemplifies the triangulation discourse in the US. 2 It casts the US, India, and China as selfenclosed, self-interested units of national identity. Each state fixates on the same concerns: i.e., how certain military or economic strategies would help or hurt the relative position of the national Self vis-à-vis its foreign Others. For India- China, this involves the border dispute, establishing nuclear deterrents, the war on terrorism, relations with Pakistan, and political and economic influence in the South Asia-Indian Ocean region (Garver 2002: 5). Balance of power concerns motivate this triangulation discourse. The fear of two aligning against one pertains to all, but Garver (2002: 6) assigns it especially to the two weaker state actors, China and India. Garver believes that India and China need US power more than each other; whereas, the US can suffice alone. Accordingly, while all three actors play this geopolitical game, India and China fret more over their relative status with the US than the reverse. Towards this end, Garver advises China to learn from nineteenth-century Europe: Unless China can produce a statesman closer to the caliber of Otto von Bismarck, the sine qua non of whose diplomacy was to keep Russia, France, and Britain from uniting against Germany, the future may be gloomy, or to return to the narrower theme of this essay, alignments within the new post-cold War Triangle may become rigid (Garver 2002: 56). This triangulation discourse is not just hypermasculine and elitist; it is also distinctly Western and colonial. 3. Hypermasculine Whiteness Triangulation discourse builds on three, realist assumptions: (1) borders anthropomorphize the state into an analogue of the Hobbesian man [sic], (2) strategies for world politics are comparable to a gentleman s game of chess, and (3) History demands subaltern mimicry of the West. These assumptions cumulate into one proposition: i.e., good governance should be white, hypermasculine, elite, and Anglo-American-European. 2 Our singular focus on this article is more than compensated by its representativeness given the views, interests, and social infrastructure propagated by its journal, National Bureau of Asian Research (NBR). NBR s Board of Directors is composed of mega-corporations (e.g., Unocal, Coca Cola, Corning, Microsoft, Boeing, Ford) and their elite associates in the military (e.g., former joint chiefs of staff John M. Shalikashvili), industry (e.g., Virginia Mason Medical Center), and conservative think tanks (e.g., American Enterprise Institute, Woodrow Wilson Center). 3.1 Borders: The State as Hobbesian Man Realists impute an implicit social relationship with borders. In centralizing what s inside, they deplete what s outside, regardless of the peoples and communities already there. Realists may concede that frontiers exist but these serve only to highlight the social order inside and not how the resources from outside contribute to the establishment of that very social order. No connections, histories, or co-productions between Self and Other, inside and outside, order and chaos could be considered. Feminists have long exposed the intimate connections between patriarchy and the Hobbesian man/state. 3 Like the Hobbesian state, the patriarchal household is cast as without history or context or class, despite severe dependence on subaltern labor and resources to maintain and accumulate for the state/ household. Both patriarchy and the state propagandize that they protect that which they exploit ( women, children, and chattall ). Postcolonial feminists, in particular, have highlighted the significance of borderlands, not just borders, in daily life (Ling 2008). Though all genders and races experience the complexities of borderlands defined as that space in-between majority and minority cultures, seemingly belonging nowhere yet pervading everywhere women of color who endure the double yoke of patriarchy and colonialism are most aware of how borderlands position them into contending yet equally confining identities, roles, languages, and practices. From such mixing at the borderlands come a rich repertoire of seeing and doing that endows postcolonial peoples with the flexibility and adaptability to thrive at the interstices of worlds and cultures (Ling 2002; Agathangelou and Ling 2009). When realists stress the need for borders, then, they are actively denying that realm of advancement and achievement made by borderland or postcolonial peoples. In this way, hypermasculine whiteness as a colonizing power becomes the rule of the day. And with it comes a way of life that is, to borrow a phrase from Victorian England, a gentleman s agreement. 3.2 Strategies: World Politics as Gentleman s Chess Chess serves as the iconic metaphor for triangulation, specifically, and realism, generally. To realists, chess best approximates the rules of world politics given its cold, hard strategizing to win or lose, check or check-mate between self-interested opponents. But, we ask, who gets to play at whose expense, and for what? That is, what is the relationship between the players, the pieces, the chess board? Who produced the chairs, for example, on which players sit to ponder their moves, the gin and tonic they sip while pondering, the silver tray from which they take the drinks, and the servant who carried it? Certainly, players and providers are not the same. The latter typically come from the margins of society (e.g., peasants, women, workers, the 3 For a review of this literature, see the review article in the ISA Compendium. 2 S+F (28. Jg.) 1/2010

8 Banerjee/Ling, Hypermasculine War Games: Triangulating US-India-China T H E M E N S C H W E R P U N K T poor, the illiterate, the menial) and enable the game with their resources, labor, and physical bodies. The players, in contrast, represent the center with their privileges and protections. They are the ones in charge. Of course, many outside the West have also regarded politics as a game. Note how Japanese noblemen in the 11th-century novel, The Tale of Genji, used similar strategies to vie for power and status or simply to demonstrate them. But triangulation discourse restricts chess to its Western and colonial variants only. The colonized can only be envious, desirous mimics even to history. 3.3 Histories: Subaltern Mimicry Here, triangulation discourse reveals its white man s burden. In claiming that India and China seek to ally with the US more than each other, triangulation assumes that (1) India and China value the US more than each other, despite the mutual and ancient histories that have interwoven their civilizations, (2) India and China offer relatively the same to each other, even though China seems the more powerful (and therefore desirable) partner for the US, and (3) the US is indifferent to relations with either India or China. The US easily plays one party against the other, triangulation discourse claims, because it is not motivated by national self-interest; rather, the US aims only to maintain world peace. Thus the US, though disinterested, must perform as the global hegemon by making sacrifices for Others. At the same time, triangulation discourse self-contradicts with the Hobbesian state. That is, in attributing competition and chaos to world politics, the Hobbesian state cannot claim global altruism or lack of national self-interest. Indeed, the Hobbesian state invariably leads to a war-like ultimatum when dealing with Others: i.e., either you convert to us or we will annihilate you (Agathangelou and Ling 2009). The US invasions of Iraq and Afghanistan in 2003 and 2001, respectively, exemplify conversion/annihilation in political and military terms; the treatment of Asia s financial crisis in , in economic terms (Ling 2002, 2005). Triangulation sustains this contradiction by colonizing and racializing world politics. The discourse upholds the West as implicitly superior to all Others. Accordingly, Garver can disregard two millennia of civilizational contact and interaction between India and China, miring them, instead, in a deep geopolitical rivalry from the 1962 border dispute. A larger sense of history comes only with 19th century Europe and, more pointedly, that icon of Teutonic hypermasculinity: Iron Fist Bismarck. We grant that triangulation discourse raises some important issues. There s no denying that border disputes, nuclear power, and economic globalization warrant serious consideration. Nonetheless, this focus unduly constrains our thinking in terms of problem-solving and problem-framing. With the Hobbesian state as premise, triangulation discourse locks us into a world of colonial patriarchy, thereby further justifying and rationalizing its usage. But we do not need to abide by triangulation. There are alternatives. 4. Borderlands : A Postcolonial-Feminist Alternative Postcolonial-feminists offer another approach to world politics. They probe into the politics of labor, sexuality, race and gender within the resistance and relations informed by imperialism and transnational capitalism. As such, postcolonial-feminists provide key analytical tools to understand: (1) the critical importance of the colonial experience for current socio-economic and political circumstances, (2) Eurocentrism in knowledge-making and the creation and continued reconfiguration of an array of boundaries, binaries, and categories surrounding a relatively stable core of racist and sexist epistemology, (3) historic claims about colonized/third world people s insufficiencies in stagist theories of development (e.g., modernization or progress ), (4) systematic omission or devaluation of pre-colonial history, and (5) the persistence of colonial methods of control, both discursively and administratively, in so-called independent, post-colonial states and societies. A borderlands perspective helps us reconsider India and China on their own terms and in their own time India and China: On Their Own Terms, In Their Own Time We juxtapose India and China before the onset of the West. This is not a romantic return to an idyllic, golden past between the Heavenly Kingdom and the Middle Kingdom. Neither these times nor their societies refrained from violence, oppression, exploitation, and destruction. Rather, we delve into this Sino-Indian history to draw from its wealth of experience, accumulated over two millennia, of very different approaches to and visions of thinking, acting, being, and relating. First, we question the realist timing of India-China relations. Dating these from post-world War II (WWII), realism erases a common history with foreign occupation, colonialism, and imperialism between India and China. Second, we challenge the realist presumption that these two countries and civilizations dubbed the Dragon and the Elephant by mainstream media (cf. Elliot 2006) perpetually compete against each other to catch up with the West. Such analyses preclude a thorough understanding of the encounters, exchanges, and flows, along with the disputes and conflicts that have marked India and China as geographies and civilizations over time. A small but growing body of literature now corrects the record. Using archives derived from monks, scholars, traders, and emissaries deputed to animate the ideas and activities circulated between India and China, this literature gives us a narrative far beyond realism s post-wwii, Eurocentric, hypermasculine For a review of this literature, see Chowdhury and Ling (forthcoming) in the ISA Compendium Project. S+F (28. Jg.) 1/2010

9 T H E M E N S C H W E R P U N K T Banerjee/Ling, Hypermasculine War Games: Triangulating US-India-China visions of the world. A multi-volume work from A. Rahman (2002), for example, traces the extensive interactions among India, China, Central, and West Asia from the 8th century onwards. Tansen Sen (2003, 2006) notes the maritime relations between India and China from the 13th to mid-15th centuries. Tan and Geng (2005) examine twenty centuries of interaction between India and China. And Amartya Sen (2004) identifies Sino-Indian collaborations in trade, religion, mathematics, astronomy, philosophy, medicine, and public health, just to name a few. A borderlands vision of India and China emerges. It reframes our understanding of the 1962 border dispute. scientific cooperation, a potential regional trade agreement, cultural activities, and youth exchange programs (People s Daily 2005). Joint defense and security consultations have been taking place as well (BBC, 16 December 2008). Indeed, China has now surpassed the United Arab Emirates to become India s second-largest trading partner (Asia Times, 11 February 2005). 5 In 2008, Sino-Indian trade increased by 30% to total $517 billion (Toloken 2009). In turn, India has become one of China s top ten trading partners. What India and China demonstrate is another heuristic at work. 4.2 Borders: Postcolonial Nationalism and Cold War Politics The 1962 Sino-Indian border dispute reflects a colonial artifact (Malviya 1992). Since the war in 1962, Indian nationalism constructed an ideal Indian nation/citizen over and against the Chinese Other in India. The Indian government later interned, deported, and disenfranchised the Chinese community in India, primarily in Calcutta, based on the 1960s newly revised legal definitions of national origin ( internal others ). This became a form of engagement with the Chinese Other, embedding it into the template of Indian nationalism and self-identity in one way or the other, subjecting it to various revisions depending on geopolitical circumstances (Banerjee 2007). Some Chinese, however, are revamping their understanding of this relationship. Liu Xuecheng (1994), for instance, argues that Cold War and post-cold War legacies actively shaped relations between not just China and India, but also with surrounding states like Pakistan. And scholars like Ji Xianlin (2006) along with Tan and Geng (2005) remind Chinese scholars, if not state officials, of the venerable history between India and China. 4.3 Strategies: Beyond Gaming Chess-like moves and counter-moves cannot capture the complexity of Sino-Indian interactions. Even in 1962, no declaration formally declared the war nor was a truce signed to end it. The conflict festers, interweaves through, and plays in the background to deep cultural and personal understandings of what it means to be an Indian vis-à-vis the Chinese (Banerjee 2007). These socio-cultural and psychic dimensions redefine the rules, the game, and most importantly, the players. Today, tensions still exist (BBC 2009) but simultaneous strategies of competition and cooperation are also at play (viz. Beijing Review special report 2005). Contrary to the expectations of triangulation discourse, Indian and Chinese elites are seeking closer relations. In 2005, Chinese Premier Wen Jiabao and Indian Prime Minister Manmohan Singh announced a China- India Strategic and Cooperative Partnership for Peace and Prosperity to enhance mutual cooperation, partnership, friendship, and building trust to enable further political exchanges, mutual connectivity, economic, technical, and 5. Other Worlds, Other Visions, Other Ways of Being Borderlands have always characterized Sino-Indian relations. Dunhuang in northwest China, for example, served as a gateway for 7th-century Indians and Chinese to meet and learn from one another through Buddhism, leading to the notion of nizhong you wuo, wuozhong you ni ( I in you and you in me ) (Tan 2002: 130). Other locations like Tashkent transited caravans from the Silk Road to Kashmir and Punjab through the Khyber Pass (Tan 2002). And Khotan was a most important centre of Buddhist learning and research, frequented for that purpose both by the Chinese and the Indians (Devahuti 2002: 94) From these borderlands, we begin to see, live, and relate in other ways. Patriarchy prevailed throughout but societies along the Silk Road granted alternative venues for women s agency precisely because the environment was so mixed, unstable, and confusing (Devahuti 2002). Women often acted as shamans, for example. And it was a resourceful Chinese bride who smuggled silkworms in her sleeve when given in marriage to a local chieftain. She could not live without her silk. More generally, women produced, traded, distributed, and consumed the goods that made the Silk Road. A cosmopolitan outlook came with such trade. Silk diplomacy solidified relations between Han Chinese and others, like the Huns in 2 AD (Sen 2003). In the 7th-century, King Harshavardhan, ruler of what is now northern India, and the Tang Emperor Taizong (reigning AD ) engaged in a series of exchanges involving monks and scholars as well as tradesmen. India and China enjoyed their most prolific, profound, and productive interaction during this period. Religious pilgrimages from India brought knowledge of math, astronomy, calendrical science, and medicine to the Tang court. Similarly, the subcontinent learned of key Chinese technologies like silk and sericulture, paper making and printing, use of the compass, and gunpowder. Not least, another heuristic animated inter-state relations. The Tang Emperor Taizong, for example, initiated relations with India by recalling a dream that the Han Emperor Ming had in 64 AD: he dreamed of a golden deity flying over the palace, seeming to signal the arrival of Buddhist learning and wisdom 5 See Asia/GB11Df07.html. S+F (28. Jg.) 1/2010

10 Banerjee/Ling, Hypermasculine War Games: Triangulating US-India-China T H E M E N S C H W E R P U N K T (Tan 2002: 132). We do not suggest that dreams and other extrasensory visions serve as better strategies for national decisionmaking than, say, realist power balancing. Rather, our point is that so-called realism in international relations invariably locks the Self into endless cycles of hypermasculine war games in the name of peace. What else could be more fantastical? For India and China, these games impose a condition of perpetual subalternity, beholden to and mimicking of the US hegemonic Self (Ling, Hwang, and Chen 2010). Our point here is that precisely because dreams, visions, and other so-called irrational heuristics for decision-making force us out of the familiar and the usual, they stimulate innovative approaches to problems. And by drawing on alternative epistemologies, we may begin to reframe the problem itself. Recent articulations of an Asian School of IR (Acharya and Buzan 2007) or an Asian epistemic community (Mishra 2009) or culture as method (Chen, Hwang, and Ling 2009) indicate moves within the region to depart from Cold-War power politics both practically and intellectually. 6. Conclusion Western knowledge-making, whether academic, statediplomatic, or policy-oriented, continues to thrive on erasures of the Other. These serve to racialize and feminize the non- Western Other by casting it as simplistically chaotic instead of rife with pre-existing histories and subjectivities. And the non-western Other allows itself to be demarcated and delimited in this way due to a dual process of external and internal colonization. Lost are the richly-endowed inventories of indigenous thought and action. Note, for example, the intramural Olympics of hypermasculinized, nationalized competitions that beset our world politics today. States compete on development, growth, progress, security that lead to mutual suspicions, patchy shortlived truces or none at all, warring factions, and endless fights over geographical, material, political, and cultural resources. India and China, in particular, must take up the challenge of decolonizing themselves, as well as the inter-state system, and in a manner resonant with their own access to history and humanity. One step towards this end is to rework the project of nationalism. Seen as a solution to colonialism in our greatgrandparents time, nationalism has become a proxy for colonial power relations not just in terms of race, gender, class, caste, and religion, but also inter-state relations. Accordingly, nationalism reinforces, as it rationalizes, hypermasculine war games for all. A borderlands approach radically re-envisions India and China by re-centering them on their own terms, in their own time. And the US had better take note. India and China possess rich histories and even richer resources. There is no reason to believe that they or any other postcolonial state will stick to the colonial scripts assigned to them simply to demonstrate their arrival in world politics. Postcolonial states see things differently, have acted accordingly, and will continue to do so. It is time that we, in the academy, realign these realities with our theories. References Acharya, Amitav and Buzan, Barry (2007), Why is there no Non- Western International Relations Theory? An Introduction and Conclusion: On the Possibility of a Non-Western IR Theory in Asia. International Relations of the Asia-Pacific 7 (2007): , Agathangelou, Anna M. and Ling, L.H.M. (2009), Transforming World Politics: From Empire to Multiple Worlds. London: Routledge. Banerjee, Payal (2007), Chinese Bodies in Fire : Refractions of Ethnicity, Gender, Sexuality and Citizenship in Postcolonial India s Memories of the Sino-Indian War. China Report 43 (4): BBC (2008), China, India Hold Second Defence, Security Consultations. 16 December (http://www.zibb.com/ article/ /china+india+hold+second+defence+securit y+consultations) (Downloaded: 1 March 2009). BBC (2009), China Has Expansionist Agenda in Region: India Opposition Party Chief. January 31 (http://fnbgiddings. portalvault.com/default.aspx?pagemode=control&pagemode Type=NewsArticleControl&pageModeParam=&storyId= ) (Downloaded: 1 March 2009). Chen, Boyu, Hwang, Ching-Chane, and Ling, L.H.M. (2009), Lust/Caution in IR: Democratizing World Politics with Culture as a Method. Millennium: Journal of International Studies 37(3): Devahuti, D. (2002), Ancient Central-Asia and India. A. Rahman (ed.), History of Science, Philosophy and Culture in Indian Civilization, Volume III, Part 2: New Delhi: Oxford University Press. Elliot, Michael (2006), India Awakens. The Times. 26 June: Garver, John W. (2002), The China-India-U.S Triangle: Strategic Relations in the Post-cold War Era. NBR Analysis. 13(5) October (http://unpan1.un.org/intradoc/groups/public/ documents/apcity/unpan pdf) (Downloaded: 1 April 2006). Ji, Xianlin (2006), Ji Xianlin lun Zhong-Yin Wenhua Jiaoliu (Ji Xianlin on Sino-Indian Cultural Exchanges). Beijing: Xin shijie chubanshe. Ling, L.H.M. (2008), Borderlands: A Postcolonial-Feminist Approach to Self/Other Relations under the Neoliberal Imperium. In Heike Brabandt, Bettina Rooss, and Susanne Zwingel, (eds), Mehrheit am Rand? Geschlechterverhaeltnisse, globale Ungleichheit und transnationale Loesungsansaetze, pp Wiesbaden: VS Verlag. Ling, L.H.M. (2002), Cultural Chauvinism and the Liberal International Order: West versus Rest in Asia s Financial Crisis. In Geeta Chowdhry and Sheila Nair (eds), Power, S+F (28. Jg.) 1/2010

11 T H E M E N S C H W E R P U N K T Bussmann, Political and Socio-Economic Aspects of Gender Equality Postcolonialism, and International Relations: Reading Race, Gender, Class, pp London: Routledge. Ling, L.H.M. (2005), Neoliberal Neocolonialism: Comparing Enron with Asia s Crony Capitalism. In Dirk Wiemann, Agata Stopinska, Anke Bartels and Johannes Angermüller (eds), Discourses of Violence - Violence of Discourses: Critical Interventions, Transgressive Readings and Postnational Negotiations, pp Frankfurt/Main: Peter Lang. Ling, L.H.M., Hwang, Ching-Chane, and Chen, Bo-yu (2010), Subaltern Straits: Exit, Voice, and Loyalty in US-China- Taiwan Relations. International Relations of the Asia-Pacific 10(1). Liu, Xuecheng (1994), The Sino-Indian Border Dispute and Sino-Indian Relations. Landam, Maryland: University Press of America. Malviya, Gopal (1992), Sino-Indian Relations: Security Environment in the Nineties. Madras: Madras University Press. Mishra, Binod Kumar (2009), Articulating an Asian Epistemic Community: Presenting the Other Worldview. Paper presented at an international conference on Democratizing International Relations, at National Sun Yat-sen University, Kaohsiung, Taiwan, March. Rahman, A. (ed) (2002), History of Science, Philosophy and Culture in Indian Civilization Volume III, Part 2. New Delhi: Oxford University Press. Rai, Shirin (2003), Gender and the Political Economy of Development: from Nationalism to Globalization. Cambridge, UK: Polity. Sen, Amartya (2004), Passage to China. The New York Review of Books 51(19) December 2 [http://www.nybooks.com/articles/ article-preview?article_id=17608]. (Downloaded: 18 February 2008). Sen, Tansen (2003), Buddhism, Diplomacy, and Trade: The Realignment of Sino-Indian Relations Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press. Sen, Tansen (2006), The Formation of Chinese Maritime Networks to Southern Asia, JESHO 49(4): Tan, C. and Geng, Y. (2005), India and China: Twenty Centuries of Civilizational Interaction and Vibrations. New Delhi: Centre for Studies in Civilizations. Toloken, Steve (2009), India, China Talk of Expanding Trade Pact: Global Economic Slowdown Spurs Discussions for a Bilateral Strategy. Plastics News 9 February 2009 (http://www. highbeam.com/doc/1g html) (Downloaded: 1 March 2009). Political and Socio-Economic Aspects of Gender Equality and the Onset of Civil War Margit Bussmann* Abstract: Recent empirical studies showed that societies with less gender discrimination are more peaceful. However, the relationship could be spurious if gender equality captures aspects of good governance, democracy, or the level of development. Empirical results of a sample of 110 countries for the years indicate that various aspects of gender equality do indeed promote peace even when holding other influences constant. The results of the present study support the notion that improving the situation for women with regard to more political representation but especially more economic participation and better access to health and education improves a society s domestic peace. Keywords: civil war, gender equality, good governance, welfare Bürgerkrieg, Geschlechtergleichheit, gute Regierungsführung, Wohlfahrt 1. Introduction The literature on civil war frequently concentrates on ethnic and religious polarization or economic inequality as sources of violence. Discrimination against and systematic exclusion of large parts of the population are considered to be main causes of * Dr. Margit Bussmann is Professor for International Relations at Ernst Moritz Arndt University, Greifswald. For helpful comments on this article I would like to thank Volker Franke and two anonymous reviewers. ethnically motivated violence. Another form of discrimination in society, gender inequality, is not on the forefront of research on armed conflict. Only few empirical studies investigate and support the peacefulness of societies that experience less gender discrimination (Caprioli 2005, Melander 2005a,b). Explanations for this mostly refer to a general pacifism of women as a result either of nature or socialization. Consequently, so the arguments, women in positions of power are more hesitant in deciding to use military force. The peacefulness of states could be enhanced if the position of women would be strengthened S+F (28. Jg.) 1/2010

12 Bussmann, Political and Socio-Economic Aspects of Gender Equality T H E M E N S C H W E R P U N K T not just in politics but also on the societal level. Hence, it is important that an analysis clearly distinguishes between gender equality on the political decision-making level and gender equality in the socio-economic spheres of life. Whereas there are good reasons to expect that gender equality enhances civil peace, the relationship could be spurious and might show up in statistical analyses because both variables are related to confounding factors that are omitted. A higher participation of women in politics and in the formal labor market and more educational equality increases competition. As a result of the competitive environment, corruption and rent-seeking is inhibited, improving the quality of governance. And, according to recent conflict studies (e.g. Fearon & Laitin 2003), good governance is an essential component for a peaceful environment. Gender equality is not just related to good governance but also to a state s level of development and democracy. It is thus essential to incorporate these potentially confounding factors in the analyses to ensure the ability to measure gender equality as effect on domestic peace and avoid it serving as proxy for other pacifying influences, such as good governance, democracy and economic development. In the next section I will summarize the theoretical arguments and previous empirical findings, linking political representation of women and gender equality on the societal level directly to more civil peace. In section three I will lay out possible objections to this relationship between gender equality, namely that the findings are biased due to the omission of controlling for good governance, the level of development, and democracy. The research design used to test the claim is described in part four, followed by the presentation of results and a concluding section. 2. Gender equality and peace Studies on public opinion confirm that women are generally less supportive of the use of military force than men (Nincic & Nincic 2002; Wilcox et al. 1996). The more pacific attitudes of women on average should eventually translate into policy if we assume that public opinion is an important factor in policymakers decisions (Powlick 1995). An adequate representation of women in the political decision-making processes could thus be a constraint for the government to use force. In particular, women as head executives or as defense ministers are in positions to decide about the deployment of the armed forces. However, detecting the peacefulness of female state leaders in statistical analyses is somewhat problematic as female chief executives are still quite rare (Caprioli 2003; Melander 2005a,b). High female representation in parliament can also serve as a constraint because, depending on the political system, decisions on the use of armed forces frequently need to pass through the legislature. Indeed, several empirical studies link gender equality in political representation directly to more peace. For international conflicts, Regan and Paskeviciute (2003) find that two states that have a high percentage of women in parliament are less likely to become involved in a military dispute with each other. Melander (2005a) demonstrates that states with a higher percentage of women in parliament experience lower levels of intrastate conflict. He also shows that states with more gender equality in terms of more political representation, i.e. the percentage of women in parliament, are more inclined to follow human rights (Melander 2005b). There are mainly two types of explanations for the effect of gender equality on the peacefulness of states and societies offered in the literature. Whereas some rely on biological gender differences, in particular on aggression theories, and the women s reproductive role in explaining female pacifism, a constructivist version emphasizes gender identity and more wide-spread norms about gender equality. Boys and men are socialized to be tough and warlike, whereas girls and women are socialized to empathy and subordination (Caprioli 2003; Melander 2005). Another explanation stresses that it is in the women s selfinterest to be opposed to the use of military means and violence. If women are the major victims of war, armed conflict is not in their interest as they have more to lose than to gain. Whereas more men than women get killed or harmed directly in combat, 1 armed conflict is indirectly much more damaging to women. While women have a longer life expectancy in peacetime, the gap between female and male life expectancy narrows as a result of armed conflicts. Indirect consequences of war, such as shortage of food and clean water, damaged (health) infrastructure, displacement of population affects women disproportionately. In male dominated societies women are rather positioned at the end of the distribution chain of food and health care (Plümper & Neumayer 2006). Women are indeed less likely to support military interventions that are associated with high costs and risks (Nincic & Nincic 2002). Women are typically poorer than men and thus more reluctant to support actions that increase the military budget at the cost of government spending on social welfare (Wilcox et al. 1996). More women accessing the labor market could also weaken potential rebel movements. Working women contribute to the household income, which reduces pressure on the male bread winners who, in case regular and legal work is not available, might turn to rebel movements or the military as income source, or differently put, forgone income is low by enlisting in a rebellion (Collier & Hoeffler 2004). The improved bargaining position of working women makes them more assertive and facilitates the enforcement of their position at home. In most cases, a woman will prefer a working and assisting husband at home to a fighting husband on the battlefield. On the other hand, higher female labor force participation could leave young males unemployed, thus increasing the main source for rebel recruitment. According to Collier and Hoeffler s (2004) study, employment and male secondary school enrollment are inversely related to the outbreak of civil war as these variables reduce the pool of potential rebels. 1 In some conflicts women suffer directly from widespread sexual violence, used either strategically to frighten or punish a certain group or in an opportunistic manner, depending on the absence of respective norms and sanctioning mechanisms (Wood 2006). S+F (28. Jg.) 1/2010

13 T H E M E N S C H W E R P U N K T Bussmann, Political and Socio-Economic Aspects of Gender Equality In this context reverse causality needs to be considered: conflict can lead to more female labor force participation, in the aftermath but also in preparation of a war when women have to take over the jobs previously done by men. Reverse causality is also plausible with regard to the relationship between civil war and gender equality in education and life expectancy as an ongoing civil war, but less so the start of a civil war, has negative consequences on the welfare of the general population but especially for women (Plümper & Neumayer 2006). Several researchers investigated the direct effect of gender equality on armed conflict. Quantitative-empirical studies found that a high fertility rate and low female labor force participation increase the risk of domestic and international conflict (Caprioli 2003, 2005; Regan & Paskeviciute 2003) as does a lower ratio of female-to-male school attainment (Melander 2005a). However, the relationship might be spurious and in reality be caused by a third factor. 3. Gender equality as a proxy for good governance, development, democracy Political and economic participation of women could serve as proxies for other factors that influence peace. The level of development, democracy, and good governance are extensively studied in the literature on civil war and also are related to concepts of gender equality. Thus, it is important to take these potentially confounding factors properly into account when studying the effect of female participation in political, economic, and societal life as a source of peace. Otherwise, the relationship between gender equality and civil peace might be spurious. Whereas some studies control for the level of development or the type of political regime (Caprioli 2005, Melander 2005), none holds good governance constant, although it received widespread attention in studies on civil war (Fearon & Laitin 2003). Economic development: The positive effect of economic development on peace is one of the few robust statistical findings in the civil war literature (Hegre & Sambanis 2006). One explanation is rooted in grievance, resentment, and dissatisfaction in the population of poor countries. People dissatisfied with their situation are more likely to go to the streets in protests that might then turn violent, or more likely support rebel movements that claim to fight for a better life. Economic development and indicators of gender equality are also related. Dollar and Gatti (1999) confirm in their empirical study that good times are good for women (21), as increasing income per capita is positively related to indicators of gender equality in education and health (see also Brown 2004). Not just education but also female labor force participation varies with the level of development (Tzannatos 1999). Democracy: Several studies confirm that the risk of civil war is highest in states with inconsistent political regimes, whereas consistent democracies but also autocracies are more peaceful. In democracies, there are peaceful mechanisms for the population to voice discontent and to resolve conflicts; in autocratic systems any emerging opposition can be forcefully suppressed (Hegre et al 2001). Studies also point to a positive effect of female participation and equal educational opportunities for democracy (Barro 1997). Women who are more educated and active in professional life are more likely to vote. In turn, the ruling elite will be more attentive to this public and to its preferences. Furthermore, political systems with an open and competitive recruitment process allow access for more female politicians who in turn will champion more educational opportunities for women and who also serve as a role model to other women (Brown 2004; Thomas 1991). Good governance: States that are well governed are politically more stable. A weak government is unable to monopolize the use of force allowing insurgency movements to emerge (Fearon & Laitin 2003). Others emphasize the economic tasks a state needs to fulfill, such as the provision of public goods and the redistribution of income (Azam 2001) and again others point to institutional features and an efficient bureaucracy to ensure transparency and avoid rent-seeking (Weede 1998). Corruption and patronage at a minimum and the rule of law but also the transparency and accountability of institutions are among the main characteristics that are frequently associated with a good quality of governance (Holmberg, Rothstein & Nasiritousi 2009). 2 Policies that aim to create an open and competitive environment inhibit corruption and rent-seeking. One way to enhance competition is to enlarge the pool of qualified candidates for positions in the public or private sectors. This can be done by improving the education of girls and women, also compared to men, and encouraging more participation of women in politics and the formal labor market. With a large minority group of women excluded from political and economic life, a state reduces competition for political and economic posts leading to corruption. Empirical studies did, indeed, detect that if women hold a larger share of seats in parliament and in government, and participate more in working life, there are lower levels of corruption in a country (Swamy et al. 2001; Dollar et al. 2001). In the World Values Survey more women than men reject the hypothetical acceptance of bribery (Swamy et al. 2001). In sum, there are various arguments that relate gender equality to more domestic peace. Both are also associated with democracy, good governance and economic development, variables that could account for a spurious relationship if not properly controlled. The present study will test if gender equality, in terms of more women in parliament, in the labor market, in schools and with better health reduces the likelihood that a civil war will break out in a country in the following year if confounding factors are held constant. 4. Research design The arguments outlined above were tested with logistic regression analysis. A logit model is appropriate because the dependent variable is the onset of a civil war which has either the value one or zero. It predicts the probability that a civil war 2 Good governance is a broad concept that can encompass many different concepts and the debate on a standard definition is still ongoing. For an overview see Holmberg, Rothstein & Nasiritousi (2009). S+F (28. Jg.) 1/2010

14 Bussmann, Political and Socio-Economic Aspects of Gender Equality T H E M E N S C H W E R P U N K T will start in a given year. 3 The data cover 110 countries over the years 1985 to By using multiple regression analysis we can hold various other influences constant, in particular variables that could potentially be confounding factors, such as the level of development, the political regime type and good governance, but also variables that are identified in previous work to be robustly related to the onset of civil war, like the size of the population. The independent variables of main interest are various indicators for gender equality in political representation, professional participation, educational aspects and health aspects to distinguish whether only women s access to political power or also more equality and participation on the societal level are related to peace. The explanatory variables are lagged by one year to encounter potential problems of endogeneity, specifically that the relationship is subject to reverse causation, as there is concern that a civil war might affect the current values of female political and economic participation and welfare. Thus, the explanatory power of the gender variables will be tested for an onset of civil war in the following year. Below I will briefly describe the operational definition of the various variables and their data sources, first for the dependent variable in the conflict model and its control variables and then, in more detail, for the gender variables. The model of conflict onset: The dependent variable is the onset of domestic armed conflict as defined in the Uppsala/PRIO data set which includes all armed conflicts between the state government and another organized group that concern an incompatibility over government or territory and that have at least 25 battle-related deaths (Gleditsch et al. 2002). The multivariate model of conflict contains the variables for gender equality but also several control variables. As described above, the aim of the study was to test the effect of various variables for gender equality while holding potentially confounding factors constant. Therefore I included the level of development, democracy, and political regime type as control variables. The level of economic development is measured as the logarithmic transformation of real GDP per capita on a purchasing power parity basis in constant 1995 international dollars with data from the Penn World Tables 6.1 (Heston et al. 2002). Democracy and its square term control for the curvilinear relationship with data from Polity IV, which combines various institutional characteristics of a political system to an index ranging from -10 for autocracies to +10 for pure democracies (Marshall & Jaggers 2000). The composite international country risk guide (ICRG) index as a measure of good governance (Keefer & Knack 1995) is an overall indicator based on 22 components that rate political, financial, and economic risk, and is available from the World Development Indicators Ranging from 0 as highest risk to 100 as lowest risk, high values are standing for good governance. The composite index captures the full spectrum of quality of governance. The individual components 3 The model of conflict onset is estimated with a pooled time-series cross-section logit model with White-corrected robust standard errors. The individual components for political risk are government stability, socioeconomic conditions, investment profile, internal conflict, external conflict, corruption, military in politics, religious and ethnic tensions, law and order, democratic accountability and bureaucracy quality. The financial and economic risk indicators are for example the inflation rate, foreign debt, GDP and the exchange rate stability. More detailed information about the ICRG methodology can be found at that particularly account for good governance (quality of bureaucracy, corruption in government, and the rule of law) are highly correlated among each other but also with the composite index (Olson et al. 2000). I also included the yearly growth rate of GDP per capita to account for the notion that prosperous countries are less likely to become involved in a domestic conflict. Furthermore, the logarithm of population controls for the heterogeneity of large countries that have presumably an increased risk of civil war. Data is taken from Heston et al. (2002). Other variables frequently used in studies on civil war were not included, such as civil war in the neighborhood or years of peace, as I do not expect them to be intervening variables. This is to keep the model parsimonious. Women in parliament and years of suffrage: Information on the percentage of parliamentary seats that are held by women in the single or the lower chamber, in case of bicameral assemblies, is available from Melander (2005). Based on information from the Inter-Parliamentary Union on the introduction date of voting rights for women, I calculated a variable accounting for the number of years since women have the voting right. Besides of voting being a form of political participation in itself, presumably political participation on all levels will be more anchored, the longer women have the right to vote. Female labor force participation: Besides political representation, women s activities in the economic sphere are important as well. With regard to the participation of women in professional life, this study examined the effect of female labor force participation, namely the number of women that are active in the labor force as a percentage of total labor force. Female life expectancy and education: The female life expectancy at birth reflects health aspects or the physical quality of life (Gray et al. 2006). Female life expectancy in absolute numbers is a measure of general female welfare, 5 and to assess inequality more directly, the ratio of female to male life expectancy was tested. The operational definition of education used here is the secondary school enrollment rates of females, using the gross ratio (number of children of all ages enrolled in school in relation to the population of the respective age group). As this variable does not undergo strong yearly fluctuations, the observations were inter- and extrapolated to reduce missing values. Again, the absolute level and the ratio between female and male education levels were analyzed. Data on the various education variables, the labor force participation and life expectancy are available from World Development Indicators Results The results presented in the table provide us with information about whether indicators for gender equality are related to the 5 Studies that assess the effect of female poverty and participation in economic life rely on education and health proxies (e.g. Gray et al. 2006). Analyzing female poverty directly is problematic because income is usually collected on the level of the household without differentiating between the individual members. S+F (28. Jg.) 1/2010

15 T H E M E N S C H W E R P U N K T Bussmann, Political and Socio-Economic Aspects of Gender Equality onset of civil war, as reported in other studies, when controlling for good governance, democracy and economic development. With regard to the control variables, economic growth has the expected negative coefficient, supporting previous findings that countries with a growing economy are less likely to see the onset of a civil war in a given year. Populous countries are more at risk of experiencing the outbreak of a civil war. Furthermore, the results show that domestic unrest systematically varies with the type of political regimes but not in a linear fashion. Polity and its square term are jointly highly significant and support the inverted U-curve of the relationship indicating that mixed political regimes are most prone to experience domestic violence, whereas democratic states but also autocratic states are less at risk. Economic development, measured as log (GDP per capita), is negatively related to the onset of armed conflict. Civil war is more prevalent in poor countries. Some of this variable s explanatory power is absorbed by other variables. The level of development is highly correlated with several of the other independent variables, in particular with the index for good governance (r = -.79). The indicator of good governance, the ICRG index, is negatively related to the onset of civil war and it is statistically highly significant in most tests. States with good governance are more peaceful. Interestingly, it is the overriding variable which underlines Fearon and Laitin s (2003) approach of using the level of development as a proxy for state capacity. Without its inclusion GDP per capita turns out to be a highly significant conflict-impeding factor supporting the results of others (e.g. Hegre & Sambanis 2006). Economic development is also highly correlated with some of the gender variables, in particular with female life expectancy and female secondary school enrollment (r =.87). Clearly, women in developed countries have a higher life expectancy and better access to education. Thus, multicollinearity in the analyses makes it more difficult to clearly distinguish the impact of the individual predictors. This could lead to an erroneous conclusion that the gender variables might have no impact, if all their explanatory power were to be absorbed by correlated factors. One solution would be to drop the level of development but this increases the risk of omitted variable bias, in which case there might be a danger of overemphasizing the effect of gender equality. Thus, I decided to keep the level of economic development in the model to provide a strenuous test for the gender variables. I report below if the exclusion of GDP per capita alters the results. Various indicators of gender equality were added one by one to the baseline model of conflict. In column 1 of the table, the share of women in parliament is not significantly related to the onset of conflict, albeit with the expected negative coefficient. The variable remains insignificant if we exclude good governance or the level of development from the equation and just reaches the significance level of.10 if democracy and its square term were dropped. Thus, some of its effect might be absorbed by the type of political regime as democracies tend to have a higher female representation in parliament. Otherwise, the variable is not significant and robust enough to have sufficient confidence that a direct relationship between political representation of women and civil war exists. In column 2, the length of female suffrage is statistically not significant, not even in a bivariate analysis without any control variables. The results of these first tests do not support the argument that societies were more peaceful with more women in power. Instead, the variables accounting for a higher share of female parliamentarians or for women s suffrage appear to be unrelated to whether a country experiences a civil war. The next tests presented in the table concentrate on variables that capture gender equality on the societal level. In column 3, I report the results of a relationship between women s participation in work life with the onset of a civil war. The female labor force participation is significantly related at the.10 level to the onset of civil war with a negative coefficient. The finding implies that an increased participation of women in the formal labor market enhances domestic peace, even when other influences are held constant. The effect is stronger if democracy or good governance is excluded from the model specification. Thus some of the impact of female labor force participation is absorbed by the quality of governance, but the gender variable still has a direct effect on a society s domestic peace. However, the result is conditional on the inclusion of the level of development. Altogether, there is evidence that a higher share of women in the labor force is related to a smaller risk that a conflict will break out in the following year even if confounding factors such as good governance are held constant. Higher female employment is not only related to better quality of governance, as stipulated by the literature, but also seems to be beneficial for civil peace. Next, I analyzed variables that relate to health and educational aspects of women s welfare and gender equality. Female life expectancy has a highly significant conflict-inhibiting effect even in the presence of potentially confounding factors. The finding in column 4, however, refers to absolute levels of female life expectancy. Female and male life expectancy are highly correlated, thus the variable could serve as an indicator for general welfare. Therefore, it is necessary to also evaluate the life expectancy of women relative to men s, as an indicator of relative gender inequality, if we want to find out if gender discrimination is related to civil war. In column 5, a higher relative female-to-male life expectancy is also associated with a lower likelihood that a civil war will break out, again even when we control for good governance, democracy and development. The result largely persists when any of these variables are excluded from the analysis. This supports the claim that absolute but also relative welfare for women is positively associated with domestic peace. A similar picture emerges for female secondary school enrollment which is negatively associated with the onset of armed conflict. This variable, however, is only marginally significant in column 6. Some of its effect is absorbed by the level of development, two variables that are highly correlated and are thus difficult to disentangle. Female-to-male secondary schooling, as a proxy for gender equality in education, has the expected negative coefficient and is highly significant (with and without good governance, democracy, or development in the equation). Societies with relatively more girls in secondary schools are less likely to experience the onset of civil war. Improving the health situation of women and providing 10 S+F (28. Jg.) 1/2010

16 Bussmann, Political and Socio-Economic Aspects of Gender Equality T H E M E N S C H W E R P U N K T better access to education appear to be possible routes to more peace. 6. Conclusion Besides an advocacy of gender equality in its own right, the rewards of a more equal representation and participation of women are manifold. Women playing a more important role in economic and political life is not just advantageous to the female population but to society as a whole. Gender equality can help to reduce poverty, and beyond that, providing women with more equal opportunities can be a force for peace. The results of the empirical analyses of 110 countries for the years indicate that gender equality is indeed related to more civil peace even when holding a country s level of development, quality of governance, and democracy constant. The present study supports the notion that improving the situation for women with regard to more economic participation and better access to health and education improves a society s prospects for domestic peace. Whereas the number of women in parliament is less clearly a force for peace when confounding factors are held constant, gender equality on the societal level in form of female-to-male life expectancy and schooling but also a higher labor force participation of women reduces the likelihood that a state will experience a civil war. Table 1: The effect of gender equality on the onset of civil war COEFFICIENT (1) (2) (3) (4) (5) (6) (7) Polity, t * * * * * ** (0.2263) (0.1946) (0.1957) (0.1900) (0.1909) (0.1909) (0.1933) Polity square, t * * * (0.0098) (0.0088) (0.0086) (0.0084) (0.0084) (0.0084) (0.0084) Log (GDP pc), t * ** (0.3420) (0.2902) (0.2367) (0.2842) (0.3055) (0.3624) (0.2973) Economic growth * * * * * (2.4551) (2.2539) (2.3606) (2.4138) (2.5451) (2.5430) (2.6015) Log (population) * * (0.1451) (0.1372) (0.1282) (0.1407) (0.1327) (0.1346) (0.1244) ICRG, t ** * *** *** ** *** (0.0218) (0.0155) (0.0169) (0.0167) (0.0168) (0.0166) (0.0176) Women in parliament, t-1 (0.0442) Years of suffrage (0.0153) Female labor * force, t-1 (0.0244) Female life *** expectancy, t-1 (0.0222) Female/male life * expectancy, t-1 (9.8180) Female second school enroll., t-1 (0.0148) Female/male sec *** school enroll., t-1 (0.9040) Constant * ** * (3.6370) (3.2886) (3.0227) (3.1843) (9.4680) (2.9228) (3.1202) N Pseudo R Robust standard errors in parentheses, *** p<0.01, ** p<0.05, * p<0.1 (one-tailed test) S+F (28. Jg.) 1/

17 T H E M E N S C H W E R P U N K T Bussmann, Political and Socio-Economic Aspects of Gender Equality Whereas economic development and democracy can help to improve the situation of women and reduce the gender gap (Brown 2004; Dollar & Gatti 1999), additional efforts are required to overcome cultural obstacles and economic inefficiencies. For this reason, and to speed up the process, states need to actively pursue policies that provide public goods such as sufficient education not just to girls but also to adult women. Through investment in education a government can signal to the population that it cares and tries to improve the general welfare (Thyne 2006). The results of the present study suggest, however, that governments should especially target female school enrollment which also lays the ground for better job opportunities for women, another factor that contributes to growth and peace. Rather than increasing the military budget as implied by the literature that links civil peace to a militarily strong state, governments with scarce resources should choose to invest in measures that reduce gender disparities. Investment in the education and health of women is not just a road to more development but can also help in promoting domestic stability and peace. References Azam, J.-P. 2001, The Redistributive State and Conflicts in Africa. Journal of Peace Research 38(4): Barro, R. J. 1997, Determinants of Economic Growth, Cambridge, MA: The MIT Press. Brown, D. S. 2004, Democracy and Gender Inequality in Education: A Cross-National Examination. British Journal of Political Science 34 (1): Caprioli, M. 2003, Gender equality and state aggression: The impact of domestic gender equality on state first use of force. International Interactions 29: Caprioli, M. 2005, Primed for Violence: The Role of Gender Inequality in Predicting Internal Conflict. International Studies Quarterly 49: Collier, P. & A. Hoeffler 2004, Greed and Grievance in Civil War. Oxford Economic Papers 56 (4): Dollar, D., Fisman, R., & Gatti, R. 2001, Are Women Really the Fairer Sex? Corruption and Women in Government. Journal of Economic Behavior & Organization 46: Dollar, D. & R. Gatti 1999, Gender inequality, income, and growth: Are good times good for women? Policy Research Report on Gender and Development Working Paper Series, Working Paper No. 1, Washington, DC: World Bank. Fearon, J. D., & D. D. Laitin 2003, Ethnicity, Insurgency, and Civil War. American Political Science Review 97 (1): Gleditsch, N. P., P. Wallensteen, M. Eriksson, M. Sollenberg, & H. Strand. 2002, Armed Conflict : A New Dataset. Journal of Peace Research 39: Hegre, H., T. Ellingsen, S. Gates, and N. P. Gleditsch 2001, Towards a Democratic Civil Peace? Democracy, Political Change, and Civil War American Political Science Review 95: Hegre, H, & N. Sambanis 2006, Sensitivity Analysis of Empirical Results on Civil War Onset. Journal of Conflict Resolution 50: Heston, A., Summers, R., & Aten, B. 2002, Penn World Table, Version 6.1. Center for International Comparisons at the University of Pennsylvania. Holmenberg, S., B. Rothstein & N. Nasiritousi 2009, Quality of Government: What you get Annual Review of Political Science 12: Keefer, P. and Knack, S. 1995, Institutions and economic performance: Cross-country tests using alternative institutional measures. Economics and Politics 7: Marshall, M. G., & K. Jaggers 2000, Polity IV Project: Dataset Users Manual. index.htm. Melander, E. 2005a, Gender Equality and Intrastate Armed Conflict. International Studies Quarterly 49: Melander, E. 2005b, Political Gender Equality and State Human Rights Abuse. Journal of Peace Research 42(2): Nincic, M. & D. J. Nincic 2002, Race, Gender, and War. Journal of Peace Research 39(5): Plümper, T. & E. Neumayer 2006, The Unequal Burden of War: The Effect of Armed Conflict on the Gender Gap in Life Expectancy. International Organization 60: Regan, P. M. & A. Paskeviciute 2003, Women s Access to Politics and Peaceful States. Journal of Peace Research 40(3): Swamy, A., Knack, S., Lee, Y., & Azfar, O. 2001, Gender and corruption. Journal of Development Economics 64: Thomas, S. 1991, The impact of women on state legislative policies. The Journal of Politics 53(4): Thyne, C. L. 2006, ABC s, 123 s, and the Golden Rule: The Pacifying Effect of Education on Civil War, International Studies Quarterly 50(4): Tzannatos, Z. 1999, Women and labor market changes in the global economy: growth helps, inequalities hurt and public policy matters. World Development 27(3), Weede, E. 1998, Why People Stay Poor Elsewhere, in: Seligson, M. A. and Passe-Smith, J. T. (eds.). Development and Underdevelopment, 2nd ed. Boulder. Wilcox, C., L. Hewitt & D. Allsop 1996, The Gender Gap in Attitudes Toward the Gulf War: A Cross-National Perspective. Journal of Peace Research 33(1): Wood, E. J. 2006, Variation in Sexual Violence during War. Politics & Society 34(3): World Bank 2004, World Development Indicators 2004 CD- ROM. Washington, DC: World Bank. 12 S+F (28. Jg.) 1/2010

18 T H E M E N S C H W E R P U N K T Gleichstellung der Geschlechter in der UN-Verwaltung im Bereich Friedenskonsolidierung Ulrike Baumgärtner* Abstract: The Security Council Resolution 1325 has changed the personal, the structure as well as the practices of UN peacekeeping. The military dominated international bureaucracy has taken efforts to increase numbers of female staff, has established gender-related institutions and has integrated gender-sensitive programs. These organizational changes can be regarded as efforts to implement the emerging norm of gender equality that shifted from the development and human rights area to the sphere of international security. This article aims at giving a systematic overview of empirical changes in the polity, politics and policy of the UN peacekeeping bureaucracy between 2000 and Keywords: peace consolidation, gender equality, norm implementation, UN administration Friedenskonsolidierung, Gleichstellung der Geschlechter, Normimplementierung, UN-Verwaltung 1. Einleitung Im letzten Jahrzehnt ist Gender zu einer wichtigen Kategorie der Sicherheitspolitik geworden oder zumindest zu einem prominenten Schlagwort. In diesem Zusammenhang hat insbesondere die Sicherheitsratsresolution (SC-Res.) On Women, Peace and Security 2 einige Veränderungen gebracht. Auf ihrer Grundlage hat sich vor allem die personelle Zusammensetzung, die Verwaltungsstruktur und die Praxis der Friedenskonsolidierung der Vereinten Nationen (UN) stark verändert. Mit der SC-Resolution 1325 wird angestrebt, ein ausgeglichenes Geschlechterverhältnis des UN-Personals ( gender balance ) zu erreichen, spezifische Abteilungen ( gender units ) für Gender- Fragen einzurichten und Gleichstellungsbeauftragte ( gender advisor ) zu bestellen. Ziel ist das Gender-Mainstreaming, d.h. die systematische Einbeziehung unterschiedlicher Bedürfnisse und Voraussetzungen von Männern und Frauen im Sicherheitsbereich. Der jährliche internationale Tag der UN-Peacekeeper war im vergangenen Jahr den Frauen in internationalen Einsätzen gewidmet; und auch auf der Internetseite der UN-Verwaltung ist das Thema gender and peacekeeping prominent platziert. 3 Gender ist also in aller Munde. Aber was genau heißt Gender im Bereich der UN-Friedenskonsolidierung? In diesem Artikel wird beschrieben, wie sich die Norm der Geschlechtergleichstellung als Ziel von Gender-Mainstreaming im Bereich der Friedenskonsolidierung etabliert hat und an welchen beobachtbaren Veränderungen sich deren Umsetzung festmachen lässt. Dabei leistet der Artikel in zweierlei Hinsicht einen Beitrag zur Erforschung der Bedeutung von Normen in der internationalen Politik (vgl. Katzenstein 1996; Haas 1990; Finnemore/Sikkink 1998; Risse/Sikkink 1999; Schimmelfennig * Ulrike Baumgärtner, M.A. ist wissenschaftliche Assistentin an der Universität St. Gallen und promoviert im Doktoratsprogramm International Affairs and Political Economy zum Thema Gender Equality in the UN Peacekeeping Bureaucracy. Eine vorherige Version des Papiers wurde bei der Jahrestagung der Schweizer Politikwissenschaft 2009 vorgestellt. Für hilfreiche Anmerkungen von Heiko Baumgärtner, Lars-Eric Cederman, Volker Franke, Heiner Hänggi, Albrecht Schnabel und David Sylvan bedanke ich mich an dieser Stelle sehr herzlich. 1 Es werden die englischen Abkürzungen verwendet, da sie im Sprachgebrauch geläufiger sind. 2 Online unter: Online unter: ). Zum einen werden grundsätzliche Definitionen und Verständnisse von Normen, Normentwicklung und Normimplementierung aus Ansätzen der Theorien der Internationalen Beziehungen (IB) auf einen bislang wenig erforschten Politikbereich angewandt: Gleichstellung der Geschlechter in der UN-Friedenskonsolidierung. Zum anderen wird entgegen bisheriger Studien nicht die Normimplementierung auf staatlicher Ebene analysiert (vgl. True/Mintrom 2001; Finnemore 1994; Risse/Sikkink 1999). Vielmehr geht es hier um die Umsetzung der Gleichstellungsnorm innerhalb einer internationalen Verwaltung. Diesem Beitrag liegen folgende drei Fragen zugrunde: Was bedeutet Geschlechtergleichstellung im Kontext internationaler Sicherheitspolitik? Wer sind die Adressaten der neuen Verhaltenserwartung? Und woran erkennt man die Umsetzung von Geschlechtergleichstellung in der UN-Verwaltung zur Friedenssicherung? 2. Gleichstellung der Geschlechter als Norm der UN-Friedenskonsolidierung Die Frage, wie sich die Norm der Geschlechtergleichstellung in der UN-Friedenskonsolidierung durchsetzt, bezieht sich auf die Forschungsliteratur zur Bedeutung von Normen in der internationalen Politik allgemein. Normen, definiert als kollektive Erwartungen angemessenen Verhaltens, werden generell zwei inhärente Eigenschaften zugeschrieben. Zum einen tragen sie zur Identitätsbildung von Akteuren bei ( Who am I ), und zum anderen haben sie regulative Effekte auf das Verhalten der Akteure ( What am I supposed to do ) (Finnemore/Sikkink 1998: 891; Katzenstein 1996: 5). Die Gleichstellung der Geschlechter ist an sich keine neue Verhaltenserwartung in der internationalen Politik. Seit Jahrzehnten setzen sich Nichtregierungsorganisationen (NGOs) für die Stärkung von Frauen und die Gleichstellung der Ge Vgl. hierzu Arbeiten, die Normimplementierung in internationalen Organisationen untersuchen, wie z.b. Haas (1990); Locher (2007); Barnett/Coleman (2005). S+F (28. Jg.) 1/

19 T H E M E N S C H W E R P U N K T Baumgärtner, Gleichstellung der Geschlechter in der UN-Verwaltung schlechter ein. 5 Anfangs agierte die Frauenbewegung allerdings vornehmlich im Bereich der Entwicklungs- und Menschenrechtspolitik. Nach der Vierten Weltfrauenkonferenz in Beijing 1995 hatte sich ein internationales Netzwerk herausgebildet, bestehend aus Nichtregierungsorganisationen (NGOs), dem UN-Entwicklungsfond für Frauen (UNIFEM) und einer Reihe von Unterstützerstaaten wie z. B. Kanada und Liechtenstein, das explizit für eine Sicherheitsratsresolution als Anerkennung von Frauenrechten im Sicherheitsbereich gekämpft hat. Diese Anerkennung erfolgte im Jahr 2000 mit der SC-Res On Women, Peace and Security, 6 die unter kanadischer Präsidentschaft einstimmig angenommen wurde (Shepherd 2008: 387). Hierdurch hielt die Strategie des Gender-Mainstreaming Einzug in die Debatten der internationalen Sicherheitspolitik und wurde darüber hinaus zu einer neuen handlungsanleitenden Prämisse der UN-Friedenskonsolidierung. In der Resolution werden vier konkrete Handlungsbereiche hervorgehoben, die im Rahmen der übergeordneten Strategie der systematischen Einbeziehung unterschiedlicher Situationen und Bedürfnisse der Geschlechter und der Reflexion über das Geschlechterverhältnis in allen Bereichen der Friedenskonsolidierung unternommen werden sollen: Erstens wird der Generalsekretär aufgefordert, gleiche Partizipationschancen von Männern und Frauen auf allen Entscheidungsebenen der Friedenskonsolidierung zu gewährleisten. Konkret gilt es, mehr Frauen als Mediatorinnen in Friedensverhandlungen einzusetzen, lokale Frauengruppen an Friedensprozessen stärker zu beteiligen, vermehrt weibliche Sonderbeauftragte des Generalsekretärs (SRSG) zu ernennen und Mitgliedstaaten aufzufordern, mehr weibliches Militär- und Polizeipersonal zu entsenden. Unter dem Stichwort genderbalance wird das ehrgeizige Ziel verfolgt, ein 50/50-Verhältnis von männlichem zu weiblichem Personal in Militär und Polizeiverbänden zu erreichen. 7 Zweitens wird betont, dass Frauen als Teil der Zivilgesellschaft in aktuellen Konflikten in besonderem Maße gefährdet sind. Vergewaltigungen sind nicht länger Randerscheinungen, sondern werden systematisch als Strategie der Einschüchterung und Erniedrigung des Gegners eingesetzt. Hieraus leitet sich ein Bedarf ab, Frauen und Kinder in Konflikt- und Post-Konfliktsituationen insbesondere vor gender-spezifischer Gewalt vermehrt zu schützen. Der dritte Bereich umfasst das Recht auf Strafverfolgung von Straftaten im Zusammenhang mit sexueller Gewalt und Ausbeutung. Die UN verpflichten sich, die sogenannte Null-Toleranz Strategie einzuhalten. Das heißt, UN-MitarbeiterInnen dürfen sich in keiner Weise an sexueller Belästigung oder sexueller Ausbeutung gegenüber anderen UN-MitarbeiterInnen oder der lokalen Bevölkerung des Einsatzlandes beteiligen. Zudem ruft 5 Vgl. hierzu z.b. den Weltaktionsplan für Frauen (Mexiko, 1975), die Konvention zur Eliminierung jeglicher Form von Diskriminierung von Frauen (1979) oder die Erklärung der Vierten Weltkonferenz für Frauen (Beijing, 1995). Für eine analytische Reflexion über die Veränderung der Zielvorstellungen in Bezug auf die Stärkung der Frauen hin zu Geschlechtergleichstellung vgl. Eyben/Napier-Moore (2009). 6 Online unter: Siehe das Dokument Gender Ressource Package for Peacekeeping Operations der Planungsabteilung für Friedenseinsätze (2004), online unter: unlb.org/pbps/library/grp%20full%20version.pdf, der Sicherheitsrat alle Mitgliedsländer dazu auf, die Immunität bezüglich sexueller Gewalt und Ausbeutung aufzuheben. Und viertens wird in der Sicherheitsratsresolution auf das inhaltliche Gender-Mainstreaming verwiesen sprich: auf die Integration einer Geschlechterperspektive in alle Tätigkeitsfelder der Friedenskonsolidierung. Wo möglich, sollen Gleichstellungsbüros in Friedensoperationen eingerichtet, Gender-Trainings durchgeführt und bei allen Aktivitäten unterschiedliche Bedürfnisse und Voraussetzungen von Männern und Frauen berücksichtigt werden. Letzteres reicht von der Errichtung eigener sanitärer Anlagen in Einsätzen bis zur Berücksichtigung sozial-psychologischer Folgen im Rahmen von Demobilisierungsmaßnahmen (vgl. Bastick/Valasek 2008; Farr 2002). Unter Gleichstellungsnorm wird in diesem Beitrag insbesondere die personelle und inhaltliche Veränderung der Verwaltung verstanden, also die Handlungsbereiche eins und vier der Sicherheitsratsresolution. Strukturelle Veränderungen werden in der Resolution nicht explizit erwähnt. Neben der SC-Res wird der Zusammenhang von Geschlechtergleichstellung und nachhaltiger Friedenskonsolidierung in weiteren Erklärungen, Strategiepapieren sowie in Resolutionen der UN-Generalversammlung und des UN-Sicherheitsrats hervorgehoben. 8 Ferner beziehen sich aktuelle Mandate für Friedensoperationen auf diese Grundlagendokumente und führen mitunter geschlechterspezifische Maßnahmen explizit auf. 9 Die vermehrte explizite Nennung gendersensitiver Maßnahmen zeigt, dass sich die Erwartungshaltung angemessenen Verhaltens gegenüber Akteuren der UN-Friedenskonsolidierung geändert hat. Gender und Sicherheit sind mittlerweile zwei Aspekte desselben Themengebiets. Somit kann man sagen, dass die Phase der Herausbildung einer neuen Norm in diesem Fall die Verschiebung einer bestehenden Norm in einen anderen Politikbereich abgeschlossen ist. Der sogenannte tipping point (Finnemore/Sikkink 1998: 901) ist überschritten. Bevor das weitere Fortschreiten der Institutionalisierung der Gleichstellungsnorm anhand konkreter Regeln und Verfahrensweisen dargelegt wird, benenne ich im nächsten Abschnitt zunächst die wichtigsten Akteure, auf die die Erwartung, sich der Norm entsprechend angemessen zu verhalten, in erster Linie gerichtet ist. 3. Adressaten der neuen Verhaltenserwartung Aufgrund sich verändernder Mandate wird von den Akteuren in der UN-Friedenskonsolidierung heute mehr erwartet als nur die Überwachung eines Waffenstillstandes wie noch zu 8 Siehe z.b. die Windhoek-Erklärung und den Namibia-Aktionsplan für die systematische Integration einer Gender-Perspektive in multidimensionalen Friedenseinsätzen (2000), das Gender Ressource Package der Planungsabteilung für Friedenseinsätze (2004), den umfangreichen Bericht zu sämtlichen Aspekten von Friedenseinsätzen (2005), die Studie zu Gewalt gegen Frauen (2006), die SR-Res On Sexual Violence in Conflict Situations (2008) sowie die Richtlinien zur Integration einer Gender-Perspektive in der Arbeit der UN-Polizei in Friedenseinsätzen (2008). 9 Vgl. z.b. Resolution 1509 für die UN-Mission in Liberia (2003), daccessdds.un.org/doc/undoc/gen/n03/525/70/pdf/n pdf?openelement, , oder die Resolution 1590 für die UN Mission in Sudan (2005), PDF/N pdf? OpenElement, S+F (28. Jg.) 1/2010

20 Baumgärtner, Gleichstellung der Geschlechter in der UN-Verwaltung T H E M E N S C H W E R P U N K T Anfangszeiten der UN-Friedensoperationen. In den letzten Jahrzehnten haben sich die Friedensoperationen in komplexe, globale Unternehmungen verwandelt. Im Rahmen von Kapitel VII-Einsätzen wird z.b. von den internationalen Militäreinheiten erwartet, dass sie notfalls mit Waffengewalt ein sicheres Umfeld herstellen. Die internationale Polizei soll u.a. lokale PolizistInnen ausbilden und kriminelle Gewaltakte ahnden. Zivile Einheiten sind vor Ort, um den (Wieder-)Aufbau politischer, rechtlicher und wirtschaftlicher Strukturen zu unterstützen und somit eine nachhaltig friedliche Lage zu schaffen (Gareis/Varwick 2003; Hänggi 2005). 10 Neben der Ausübung funktionaler Aufgabenbereiche wird von den Militär-, Polizeiund zivilen Einheiten zunehmend die Einhaltung eines moralisch-normativen Verhaltenskodexes erwartet. Hierunter wird nicht mehr nur der Schutz unschuldiger Zivilisten verstanden. Vielmehr stehen einzelne Menschen im Zentrum der Sicherheitspolitik. Frauen und Männer werden als zentrale Akteure angesehen, die langfristig Sicherheit gewährleisten. Die sogenannte menschliche Sicherheit steht im Vordergrund und das Geschlechterverhältnis soll in all ihren Bereichen und Aktivitäten mitgedacht werden. 11 Insofern wandelt sich einerseits der Aufgabenbereich, andererseits aber auch die Identität der beteiligten Akteure. Das Bild der außenstehenden, neutralen Beobachter wird sukzessive von der Vorstellung aktiver Unterstützer des Friedensprozesses abgelöst. Konkret werden in der SC-Res neben Mitgliedstaaten und lokalen Konfliktparteien der Generalsekretär und die UN als relevante Akteure genannt. Auf der Hauptquartiersebene, im Handlungskontext internationale UN, sind die Planungsabteilung für Friedenseinsätze (DPKO) und die Abteilung für technische Unterstützung (DFS) HauptakteurInnen im Bereich der UN-Friedenskonsolidierung. Die Trennung der eher politisch ausgerichteten Abteilung zur Vorbereitung und Unterstützung von Friedenseinsätzen (DPKO) von der eher technischen Abteilung DFS, die sich um die Organisation der Logistik kümmert, erfolgte im Jahr 2007 im Rahmen der Reform der UN-Friedenskonsolidierung. 12 Erstere deckt die zivile, militärische und polizeiliche Planung und Unterstützung der Friedenseinsätze ab. Bedingt durch den starken Fokus auf die Einsatzvorbereitung und -unterstützung wird die Arbeit in dieser Abteilung hauptsächlich von militärischen Führungskräften geleitet. 13 Die Arbeit in der Abteilung DFS konzentriert sich auf die Bereitstellung der Einsatzlogistik. In der Unterabteilung Verhaltenskodex und Disziplinarverfahren (CDU) werden zudem Gender-Trainings für alle Truppenkontingente durchgeführt. Außerdem können hier Fälle von sexueller Belästigung gegen 10 Nach der Einteilung des ehemaligen UN-Generalsekretärs Boutros Boutros- Ghali werden hier also Peacekeeping-Einsätze analysiert, wobei die jüngsten komplexen Einsätze auch Elemente des peacebuilding beinhalten, vgl.: An Agenda for Peace. Preventing Diplomacy, Peacemaking and Peacekeeping (1992), online unter: Vgl. hierzu auch die Debatte zu menschlicher Sicherheit, die erstmals in einem Bericht der UN-Entwicklungsorganisation (1994) erwähnt wird. Für akademische Beiträge, siehe z.b. Brock (2004); Müller (2003); Paris (2001). 12 Online unter: Siehe Women in United Nations Peace Operations: Increasing the Leadership Opportunities (2008), OpsExecSummary.pdf, über zivilen Einsatzkräften innerhalb der UN-Verwaltung (vor Ort und im Hauptquartier) gemeldet werden. 14 Die Struktur des Handlungskontextes Einsatzgebiet ist wesentlich weniger hierarchisch gegliedert als die internationale UN-Ebene. Lediglich der/die SRSG sowie ziviles, militärisches und polizeiliches Führungspersonal haben eine herausgehobene Position. Die ausführenden Einheiten agieren in ihren jeweiligen Funktionen gleichberechtigt nebeneinander. Der überwiegende Teil des Personals in Friedenseinsätzen, nämlich 80 bis 85 Prozent, arbeitet im militärischen oder polizeilichen Bereich. 15 Allein durch das äußerlich einheitliche Auftreten wird die Gruppe der Uniformierten daher häufig in der Berichterstattung und öffentlichen Wahrnehmung zusammengefasst. 4. Umsetzung der Geschlechtergleichstellung in der UN-Friedenskonsolidierung In der Literatur wird die Normimplementierung meist mit dem Wandel der policy eines Staates in einem bestimmten Politikfeld gleichgesetzt (Finnemore 1994; Haas/Haas 1995; Risse/Sikkink 1999; Thakur/Weiss 2009). Die policy, hier das inhaltliche Gender-Mainstreaming, ist in diesem Artikel allerdings nur ein Aspekt der Normimplementierung. Des Weiteren finden personelle Veränderungen statt, die eine Demokratisierung der internationalen Verwaltung zum Ziel haben: Männer und Frauen sollen gleichberechtigt in allen Entscheidungsgremien mitwirken können. Somit wird auch die polity der UN-Verwaltung behandelt. Und schließlich erfolgen strukturelle Veränderungen: Gleichstellungsbüros (gender units) werden eingerichtet und Gleichstellungsbeauftragte (gender advisor) bestellt. Die Errichtung solcher gender-spezifischen Institutionen bezieht sich schließlich auf die politics der Verwaltung (siehe auch True/Mintrom 2001). In diesem dritten Abschnitt erfolgt eine systematische empirische Aufarbeitung der Veränderungen, die seit der Verabschiedung der SC-Res im Jahr 2000 bis zum Jahr 2008 zu beobachten waren wurde die SC-Res verabschiedet, eine Follow-up-Maßnahme zur SC-Res Aus oben genannten Gründen wird Letztere für diese Analyse nicht mehr als relevant erachtet, da sie primär den Schutz vor sexueller Gewalt und nicht die Gleichstellung der Geschlechter thematisiert. Konkret geht es um Veränderungen innerhalb der beiden Abteilungen DPKO und DFS auf internationaler Hauptquartiersebene sowie in den internationalen Verwaltungen in insgesamt 14 komplexen Friedensoperationen in Einsatzgebieten, die über 14 Anklagen von Militär- und Polizeipersonal wird von den jeweiligen Entsendestaaten bearbeitet. Die CDU beobachtet allerdings soweit als möglich den Verfahrensprozess und informiert die betroffenen Personen über Ergebnisse der Verhandlungen. Online unter: html, Vgl. hierzu die statistischen Details zu den einzelnen Einsätzen, online unter: S+F (28. Jg.) 1/

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