3 Social institutions and proto-industrialization

Transkript

1 3 Social institutions and proto-industrialization Sheilagh C. Ogiloie Introduction: proto-industry and the social frarrrework Theories about proto-industrialization have, over the last twenty years, encouraged a flowering of research on early modem European industrial regions. This research has revealed both important common characteristics in early modern economies, and important differences and divergences among them. Perhaps the most important common feature is regional specialization. By the end of the sixteenth century, few parts of Europe remained autarkic 'less developed economies' engaging in subsistence production. Instead, Europe was tuming into a differentiated patchwork of inter-dependent regions, specializing in a variety of different branches of agriculture and industry, and trading among themselves through a network of towns and cities (de Vries 1976). Proto-indusries and regions of commercial agriculture were arising almost everywhere in early modem Europe. But important differences and divergences within Europe have also emerged from studying proto-industrialization. Although protoindustries arose everywhere, different proto-industrial regions developed in radically different ways. A few underwent demographic, social and economic changes close to those postulated by the original theories, but many others did not. These differences can be very enlightening - not just about proto-industrialization, but also about the wellsprings of social, demographic and economic change in general. It is now the task of the 'second generation, of proto-industrialization studies to explain the divergencss, as well as the similarities, among different European proto-industrial regions. In this chapter, I will try to show that a great deal of this divergence - although not all - was caused by profound and enduring differences in social institutions among European societies. By 'social institutions' I refer to ttre sets of established rules and practices through which people organized rheir economic, social, demographic, political and cultural activities. For economic development, the 23

2 24 Sheilagh C. Ogih)te most importaat existing institutions in early modern Europe were landholding systems, communities (villages, towns, cities) and corporate groups (guilds and merchant companies). There were also tl'no net)j instirutions which expanded rapidly during the early modem period: *re state and the market. All of these institutions varied a great deal among different societies - sometimes even among different regions of the same country. All of these institutions also changed over time, as they interacted with one another and were influenced by demographic, economic and political changes. In the brief space at my disposal here it is naturally impossible to provide a complete survey of the numerous social and institutional frameworks which existed in European proto-industrial regions. Here, I will simply point out some impoftant general features of the social and institutional framework, its wide variability across the continent of Europe, and its development over time, which were not recognized in the early literature on proto-industrialization, and suggest ways in which they may constitute an important focus for furure research. Social institutions constrained most forms of economic, social, demographic and cultural activity in early modem European societies, yet they have been surprisingly neglected by both the theories of protoindustrialization and the criticisms of them. A cenual component of the original theories proposed in the 1970s was that proto-industrialization cleared away the obstacles to industrial capitalism in Europe by breaking down tadiional social institutions (seigneurial systems, village communities, privileged towns, guilds, merchant companies), and replacing them with unregulated markets. Yet this was theoretically assumed, rather than empirically demonstrated, and subsequent research on proto-industrialization has not confirmed it. In some parts of Europe, village communities and ttre institutions regulating access to land and setdement rights were already weak, without proto-industrialization. This was the case, for example, in most areas of England, Flanders and the Netherlands, and in parts of highland Switzerland (e.g. Kanton Zldrich, Appenzell-Ausserrhoden) and of the Rhineland (e.g. Krefeld and the ITuppenal) (Braun 1978; de Vries 1974; Kisch 1981b; Kriedte 1982b; Macfarlane 1978; Tanner 1982; ufrightson 1982). The causes of this weakness of community and seigneurial institutions are a matter for lively debate by historians; however, proto-industrialization is clearly not the cause, since communities were weak in these societies in agrarian areas as well as protoindusrial ones. Ttrere were also many parts of Europe, as we will see on pp of this chapter, in which community and seigneurial institutions remained strong despite the existence of proto-industry, and Social institutions and proto-industrializarion 25 played a major role in the development of the economy and society iuring proto-industrialization. Likewise, in some parts of Europe, craft guilds and merchant companies could easily be evaded by moving industrry outside the towns. This was the case in England, where the state was too weak to provide support or enforcement for the institutional privileges of towns over the countryside (Clark and Slack 1976). It was also the case in Flanders and the Netherlands, where the large number and density of cities created roo much inter-urban competition for effective control of the countryside, or effective capture by a single city of state enforcement for its privileges against all the other cities (de Vries L974). But, as we will see on pp. 3G-3 below, in most other parts of Europe cities and corporate groups exercised considerable influence over rural industry, throughout proto-industrialization. Seldom, outside England and the I-ow Countries, were putting-out and proto-industrial exporting the domain of individual 'capitalist' entrepreneurs; instead, they were monopolized by guild-like companies of finishers and merchants with state privileges. In some pafts of Europe, proto-industrial workers were unregulated and unorganized; in others *rey set up guilds, even in the countryside, to defend themselves against the merchant companies, and to exploit their own employees and suppliers (especially females and young people, who were often legally prohibited from engaging in the more lucrative stages ofproduction). Social institutions thus varied widely across European regions, both before and during proto-industrialization. It cannot be said that in general strong non-market institutions prevented proto-industries from arising. Indeed, as we will see, there are many cases in which it was precisely the strength of specific non-market institutions which artificially created favourable conditions for proto-industry, for instance by lowering the cost of labour. Nor can it be claimed that in general protoindustrialization broke down non-market institutions and replaced them with markets. Indeed, in most regions, social institutions other ttran markets profoundly and enduringly influenced how proto-industries developed. Social institutions and costs \?hy and in what ways did social institutions have such strong effects on proto-industry? A useful way ro think about this question is in terms of cosrs. Like any form of production, proto-industries faced costs for their nputs - raw materials, labour, capital and sometimes land. They also faced what are called 'transactions costs' - costs of Eansponation,

3 26 Sheilagh C. O$vie negotiation, information, contract enforcementr protection from coercion and so on. Transactions costs affected many aspects of production itself (such as embezzlement of raw materials, quality maintenance and responsiveness to changes in demand). They also affected almost every aspect of marketing and selling proto-industrial output. A proto-industry was more likely to arise in a region where the particular mix of inputs required by its technology could be obtained, and where export markets could be reached, at lowest cost. Once in existence, an industry would tend to organize production so as to take advantage ofthe characteristics of the region, in order to continue to minimize costs. Any industry which failed to exploit cost advantages would find itself undercut in all but very monopolistic export markets, since input costs were a major, although not the onln influence on oulput prices. Especially in a pre-industrial economyr cost should be understood in the usual economic sense of oppomnity cosr - not just in money, but in terms of foregone alternatives. For example, in a region with fertile soils and easy access to land people had good potential earnings in agriculture, and the oppornrnity cost of working in proto-industry was high; infertile soil or institutional restrictions on access to land lowered the oppornrnity cost of proto-industrial labour. In pre-industrial Europe, just as in modem developing economies, many inputs were not formally traded in markets, and thus did not have money prices, but they did have opportunity costs for the economic agents concerned, and it is this cost which is analydcally important. N7hat determined these costs? One important determinant was physical geography: climate, soil, natural resources, energy supplies, topographical barriers to tr:rnspoftation, location near trade routes and so on (Mager 1988). But proto-industries arose in regions with no special physical characteristics to favour their development. Even industries with the same technical requirements could arise in a variery of environments, and could develop very differently as a consequence. Moreover, many regions with infertile soils, good energy supplies, or cheap sources of raw materials failed to develop proto-industries. Physical factors alone, therefore, were neither necessary nor sufficient to cause proto-industries to arise or to develop in specific ways. This is not surprising: input costs and oulput prices can be aflected by other things than characteristics of the physical environment. In particular, they are affected by the social institurroas governing the transactions through which inputs are obtained, production is organized and output is sold. In European proto-industries, this means we must examine the ways in which markets in land, labour, capital, raw materials, and industrial output were regulated by village communities, Social institutions and proto-industriatization 27 landholding systems' urban centres, occupational corporations such as guilds and merchant companies, and - not least - ttre emerging early rnodem state. \$(/hat mattered was not so much *re strenglh or weakness of these institutions, but the precise way in which they inflated or reduced costs. Community institutions Community institutions often regulated whether people could settle, work, hold land, use conrmon resources or marry. This was especially the case in societies in which landlords were relatively weak, but village communities could also be strong in areas of the 'second serfdom', even though in these areas seigneurial institutions were stronger and had the final word. Because of the regulatory powers they enjoyed, communities often controlled the availability, and thus the cost, of labour, land and natural resources. The original hypotheses argued that proto-industrialization required, and furthered, the breakdown of community institutions (Mendels 1982: 80; Kriedte, Medick and Schlumbohm 1981: 8, t6-l7,40). But research does not confirm this. Where weak community instinrdons lowered industrial costs, protoindustry might, holding other factors constant, seek out communities whose institutions were already weak; *ris appears to have happened in Switzerland (Braun 1960) and in England (I-evine 1977). But o*rer factors also affected costs, and we therefore find proto-industry in areas of strong community institutions where other factors favoured it. An example is Scodand, where proto-industries arose in arable regions with strong communities because the 'cottar system' in such regions lowered the costs of proto-industrial labour compared to pastoral regions where communities were weaker but other factors were unfavourable (Whyte 1989 : 23 l, 237-8, 243-5). Cenain strong community institutions ac$ally encouraged protoindustry by lowering its costs. Thus in Twente, in the Netherlands, the strong community institution of ttre marken system gave hereditary rights of access to cornmon land to a group of established peasant families, excluding the rest of the population, which therefore tumed to proto-indusrial work; that is, community institutions in Twente reduced the oppornrnity costs of labour in proto-industry by preventing a part of the population from engaging in agriculture (Flendriclor 1993: 330-1). In Cento, in northem Italy, access to all land was regulated by a community institution called the partzcipanza, which distributed a share of land to each family according to its size, but only as long as family

4 28 Sheilagh C. Ogiloie member remained resident in the village. However, each share was not sufficient for a family's subsistence, so instead of emigrating (which would have lost their family its right to a land share), a large part of the population stayed in the community but turned to proto-industry to supplement their eamings from farming their insufficient land share. That is, community institutions in Cento provided strong incentives to the population to remain in the countryside but engage in industry, thereby reducing the oppornrnity cost of proto-industrial labour (Belfanti 1993: 265-6). In most European regions, including proto-industrial ones, communities laid down a dense network of rules about how land could be held, sold and inherited, how labour could setde, reproduce and be employed, how capital could be lent and borrowed, how natural resources could be used, and how agricultural products could be bought and sold. In the dense worsted proto-industry in the south German duchy of t$?ii'rnemberg, for instance, throughout the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries strong communities regulated marriage, setdement, labour mobility, output markets and women's work, and helped enforce market regulation by rural proto-industrial guilds (Ogilvie 1986, 1995). Similarly, in the rural cotton proto-industry in the Waldvienel of I-ower Austria, until the 1780s village communities stricdy enforced the one-heir inheritance system, stringently controlled new settlement and restricted access to and use of common lands, thereby affecting labour costs, demographic behaviour and social strucftlre (Berkner 1973; Komlosy 1988). Community rules, which varied enormously across Europe, affected the costs and prices of most factor inputs and most products. Counter to the original arguments of the theories of proto-industrialization, communities were not broken down, weakened, or even uniformly affected, by proto-industry. The influence of proto-industry on communities was extremely various: in some parts of Europe they were already weak, even where the regional economy remained agrarian; in others, communities remained strong, even where the regional economy shifted over to proto-industry. In such regions, community institutions themselves shaped proto-industry, helping to decide whether a rural population would turn to proto-industrial work, which gtoups would do so, which tasks they would engage in and whether their demographic behaviour would change. Landholding institutions Proto-industry is supposed to have required, and furthered, the breakdown of traditional institutions governing landholding and agriculture, Social institutions and proto-industrialization 29 and is poffrayed as a major force in the transition from feudalism to capitalism (Kriedte, Medick and Schlumbohm l98l: 8, 16-17, 40; Mendels 1982: 80). But this ttreoretical proposition has not been borne our empirically. For one thing, proto-industries arose throughout eastem central and eastern Europe, where feudal institutions continued to survive for centuries. It was originally argued that these 'feudal protoindustries' arose only in areas where feudalism had begun to weaken. But Rudolph has shown that they arose throughout Russia in areas of classic feudal production on large estates, and were not associated with even such a partial 'breakdown' of the serf system as the commutation of labour dues to money payments (Rudolph 1980: 111, 1985: 48' 54' 57-61,63). Strong feudal institutions could positively mcourage protoindustries by decreasing their costs. Thus in Bohemia after 1650, the socalled 'second serfdom' strengthened lords' powers to benefit from their peasants' industrial activities (through feudal dues and contract payments from foreign merchants), to urge (and even occasionally compel) their peasants into proto-industrial work, and to keep proto-industrial costs low through 'forced wage labour', exploitation of labour services for proto-industrial auxiliary tasks, and restricting peasants' altemative options (Klima 1959: 35' 38' 1974: 5L' 53; My5ka 1979: 59-63). In addition, strong feudal institutions encouraged proto-industry in both eastern Europe and northem Italy by weakening the industrial monopolies of urban guilds (Belfanti 1993; Klima l99l). In the Swedish iron proto-industry, seigneurial institutions remained strong enough to prevent the rise of a land-poor proto-industrial labour force on the English pattern, but had weakened too much to provide an adequate supply of forced labour for transport and charcoal buming as in Russia (Flor6n et al. 1993). Thus what mattered for proto-industry was not so much the 'strengthening' or 'weakening' of feudalism, but rather the specific effect of feudal institutions on industrial costs. Non-feudal landholding institutions also affected industrial costs. In eastern Rumelia in Bulgaria, for instance, landholding institutions supported by the Ottomans enabled large landowners and graziers to hinder settlement of wastes and restrict access to land until 1878, anificially creating cost conditions favouring proto-industry (Palairet 1982). In Tuscany, sharecropping tenancies adjusted farm size to family membership and contractually obliged tenants to labour for the landlord, ttrereby precluding proto-industrial 1993). In Ravensberg in rjfestphalia, the 'Heuerling' ('coftager') system interlinked landholding with labour relationships: peasants permitted Heuerlinge to settle on their farms and to rnake de facn (although not legal) use of the common lands, in exchange for having a right to demand their

5 Sheilagh C. Ogiloie Social institutions and proto-industrializarion 3l labour when it was needed on the farm. The combination of agricultural day-labouring for the peasants and use of commons was not enough for Heuerlinge to suryive, so they also engaged in proto-industry in the interstices left by the labour demands of the peasants. Empirical research has shown that this agrarian institution affected the labour available for proto-industry, the seasonality of production, the demographic and familial behaviour of proto-industrial producers and the resulting social structure (I(riedte, Medick and Schlumbohm 1992: 85,24V2; Schlumbohm 1992). As research such as ttris shows, landholding institutions also affected social structure and demographic behaviour in proto-industrial regions. In *re Waldviertel in I-ower Austria, for instance, strong seigneurial and communal controls over landholding and settlement permitted the existence of a rural cotton proto-industry, but prevented proletarianization and population explosion (Mitterauer 1986). In proto-industrial areas of Switzerland, France, \Ttirnemberg and Upper Lusatia, smallholding systems remained strong, and proto-industrialization failed to transform the rural social structure or abolish agricultural byemployments (Kriedte, Medick and Schlumbohm 1992). Even where proto-industrial groups were landless, institutions such as the Heuerling system continued to influence the organization of proto-industrial labour within the family. By affecting the oppornrniry costs of labour and other resources, landholding institutions had far-reaching effects on the options of proto-industrial workers. Guilds and cornpanies Proto-industrial costs were also affected by corporate groups such as guilds and merchant companies. According to the original theory, protoindustries arose in the countryside precisely to avoid corporate regulations; by doing so, they are supposed to have hastened the breakdown of guilds and companies (Kriedte, Medick and Schlumbohm l98l: 7, 13, 22,106, Ll5,128; Mendels l98l: 16, 26). But this idea is based on an unjustified generalization of the experiences of England and the I-ow Countries, where urban and guild powers over the countryside appear to have been breaking down in *re sixteenth century independendy of proto-industrialization (de Vries 1974; Kellen 1958). It is important to recognize that this was quite exceptional. Almost everywhere else in Europe, proto-industries were regulated by corporate groups of 'capitalistsz, and often also of 'workers', well into the eighteenth century. In this context, the corporate groups of 'capitalists' - the merchant companies which enjoyed monopolies and other state privileges over 6ost European proto-industries outside England, Flanders and the Netherlands - should not be confused with modern capitalist corporations. Merchant companies were much closer in nature to guilds: indeed, they often originated as 'merchant guilds' or guilds of finishing crafts (such as dyers), and were issued with state charters which strongly resembled those of guilds. Merchant companies and guilds shared many characteristics. As a general rule, a merchant company was not a voluntary association any more than a guild was: it was a corporate organizadon which one was compelled to join if one desired to operate as a merchant in a particular community, or if one wished to trade in a particular commodity. Many proto-industrial merchant companies either altogether refused to admit any new member who was not the son or relative of an existing member, or charged prohibitively high fees for the admission of outsiders, much higher than the admission fees charged by ordinary craft guilds (Kisch 1972; Thomson 1982; Troeltsch 1897). Above all, both guilds and merchant companies enjoyed legal monopolies and other state privileges over production and trade in particular sectors of the economy, which they used to prevent competition by nonmembers of the corporate group, and to increase their own profits by charging higher than competitive prices to customers and paying lower than competitive prices to their suppliers and employees. The privileges of guilds and merchant companies were often, but not always, associated with the institutional powers of urban centres. One frequent criticism directed at the original theories of proto-industrialization is that they ignored the many stages of proto-industry carried out in towns and cities (Cerman 1993; Poni 1985). In few European towns outside England and the Ilw Countries did guilds and merchant companies lose power before the late eighteen*r cennlry, whatever happened in the countryside. France was a transitional case, in which towns gradually began to lose their powers during the first half of the eighteenth century, although they retained a number of privileges until at least 1760 (Gayot 1981; Guignet 1979; I-ewis 1993; Poni 1985). Since a corporare monopoly sought to reduce prices paid to suppliers and increase prices charged to customers, an effective guild or company in an urban stage of proto-industry was very likely to affect the costs faced by rural workers, irrespective of whether these also possessed a corporate organization. Urban guilds in one industry could also increase costs of other industries, as shown by the successful lobbying of woollenand silk-weaving guilds to impose restrictions on the cotron industry (Mager 1993; Thomson 1991). Rural proto-industrial workers also formed their own guilds. In the small iron goods industry of Berg (in western Germany) and the

6 32 Sheilagh C. Ogiluie trimmings industry of the Erzgebirg-Vogtland (in eastern Germany), rural workers 'formed corporate gtoups in the same way as urban craftsmen, to secure the "livelihood", regulate training, enforce quality standards, and implement their interests vis-i-vis the entrepreneurs and putters-out' (Mager 1993: 188). Rural or'regional' guilds formed under similar pressures, and sought similar forms of control over input and output markets, in a wide variety of other industries, particularly in central Europe and northern Italy: in the Wuppertal linen proto-industry (Kisch 1972); the l7tirttemberg linen and worsted proto-industries (Medick 1983a, 1983b; Ogilvie 1986, 1990); the east Swabian textile region around Ulm and Augsburg (IGe{3ling l99l: 44-5); the Austrian linen-weaving (Hoffinann 1952: 103fr), 1973: L23tr; Komlosy 1988, 1991; Matis 1991), 1966: 19ff) and small-iron-goods proto-industries (Flassinger 1986: 950); the linen and woollen proto-industries of northem and northeastern Bohemia (I{ima 1991); and the Trompia valley gun-making industry of northern 1993). Other rural proto-industries, such as the Prato woollen industry in northem Italy (Belfanti 1993) simply retained their medieval guilds. What was the economic impact of these proto-industrial guilds and companies? It is sometimes claimed that the negative impact of guilds has been exaggerated. In the sense that guilds did not prevent protoindustrialization altogether, tjris is certainly true. But whether they benefited any given social group or proto-industry, let alone the wider economy, can only be established by detailed study. Corporate groups sought to reduce input costs and increase output prices for their own members. To achieve this they implemented a variety of measures - entry barriers, oulput quotas, quality reg.:lations, technical restrictions, wage ceilings, price floors - which were enforced with varying effectiveness. How any given corporate group afiected costs and prices in any given proto-industry therefore requires detailed investigation, of a soft which has, in most cases, not yet been carried out. However, some general results can be identified. Alttrough guilds and companies were not invariably opposed to productivity-enhancing changes in technology or the organization of production in themselaes, they did oppose such changes where these threatened their corporate ability to prevent competition, charge monopoly prices and restrict the pay of their employees and suppliers (such as the female spinners, undoubtedly the most numerous and surely the most e:iqrloited proto-industrial worldorce in Europe). Violent political struggles broke out when aftempts were made to reduce guild and company privileges in proto-industries as far afield as Social institutions and proto-industrialization Ausria (Cerman 1993), Bohemia (Klima 1991), \ilttirttemberg (Medick 1913a; Ogilvie 1986), the Wuppertal (Kisch 1972), France (fhomson lg82),italy (Belfanti 1993; Poni 1982a), and Spain (fhomson 1991; Torras 1991). Many of these struggles did not reach their climax until the late eighteenttr century. The abolition of corporate privileges was often followed by an industrial boom, as with the abolition in 1770 of the Prato rural weavers' guild in northern Italy, or that of the Schwechat company in Austria in This, combined with *re fact that people do not expend resources to defend valueless privileges, suongly suggests that these corporate groups were able to exercise significant influence over costs and prices, and that they consuained growth in many proto-industries until the late eighteen*r or early nineteenth centuries. Guilds and companies were particulady important for protoindustries in regions where the dominant political institution was the city-state, such as in central and northern Italy (Belfanti 1993). German and Austrian guilds and companies also owed their power to *reir symbiotic relationship with the state (Ogilvie 1992). Few if any proto-industrial guilds or merchant companies survived without state suppoft, as is shown by examples from proto-industries in France, Spain, Sweden, and many other parts of Europe. Indeed, it is rare to find a corporate group anylvhere in Europe, whether of merchants or of workers, which effectively regulated markets without state enforcement. This is one indication of how strongly European protoindustries were influenced by the growing power of the early modem state. Thus we cannot study proto-industries without also looking at state institutions and the political framework. State institutions Early modem Europe saw the rise both of proto-industries and of the modem state. Yet the role of the state is one of the least-researched aspects of proto-industrialization. Partly, this neglect is a reaction against interpreting state policy as a mirror of reality. Closer empirical research shows *rat often state economic policies and industrial legislation did not have the intended outcome; but state economic regulations often had serious unintended consequences. Another reason for the widespread neglect of the state was that the original *reories viewed proto-industrialization as causing the transition to 'capitalism' and 'market society', concepts which are held (often unjustifiedly) to exclude the notion of state intervention in the economy. It is now becoming clear that ttris neglect of *re state was an

7 34 Sheilagh C. Ogilaie over-reaction. Not only successful economic policies but also those that misfued, and, indeed, state acdons undertaken for non-economic purposes (to wage war, for instance, or to gain domestic political suppoft) could have important if unintended economic repercussions. Vhile states' direct attempts to encourage proto-indusury saw mixed success, *reir indirect role, particularly in supporring, changing or challenging other institutions, was substantial. The litde attention which has been directed at the role of the state in proto-industrialization has focussed on the attempts by many European states to set up proto-industries and give them direct suppon. Yet the vast maiority of these attempts failed, and many were damaging to other economic endeavours. Thomson, for instance, describes how many states of central and eastern Europe in which 'corporative economic structures' predominated tried to encowage calico-printing protoindustries through privileges, monopolies, subsidies, state loans, state manufactories and coerced labour from serfs. These were overwhelmingly unsuccessful: 'They contributed to an uncompetitive environment and the policy of granting concessions from, rather than reforming, the corporative system created a siruation of yet greater institutional complexity unlikely to favour industrial expansion' (fhomson l99l: 64). I-ewis describes how the French state, foiled by provincial resistance to new coal laws in the mid-eighteenth century, began to issue royal mining 'concessions' designed to encourage technological advance and productivity growth. Not only did these attempts fail, but one of the reasons for their failure was the local resistance evoked by the concession holders' privileges enabling *rem to infringe on local institutional privileges, close down existing producers and charge monopoly prices (kwis 1993: 24). In Austria, the stateprivileged proto-industrial manufactories were granted a wide array of special powers raising costs or destroying *re business of other industrial concerns, yet most failed dismally themselves. The Poneggen hosiery enterprise in Upper Austria was founded in L764 with a wide range of state privileges which proved immensely cosdy to other producers, yet 'in spite of all the official support it received, the undertaking did not flourish' and eventllally went bankrupt (Griill 1974:?9tr,49). The Linz manufactory, although it limped along with stare support for a much longer period, causing enorrnous costs to other producers, evenrually suffered a similar 1979). $Thether they contributed to industrial development is not apparent: certainly this part of Europe was one of the latest to industrialize. It is equally difficult to trace *re beneficial effects of most other examples of state assistance, even for successful proto-industries. Although, therefore, state intervention in Social institutions and proto-industrialization 35 ororo-industry was by no means absent, it seldom had quite the effects iesired by its initiators. By contrast, state activity - often for non-economic purposes such as warfare - had massive indirect repercussions on many European protoindustries. Belfanti has shown how military and strategic considerations led central and north Italian states to grant industrial privileges to rernote, frontier, or mountainous parts of their territories, enabling the rise of rural proto-industries in the teeth of urban guild privileges (Belfanti 1993:260). Military activities also made the state an important customer for proto-industries, and monopolies to produce textiles and metal goods for the army were an important component of politicd patronage (as well as being essential for many otherwise uncompetitive proto-industries). Monopoly concessions to produce uniform cloth were crucial for the I-anguedoc woollen industry Sohnson 1982: 2, 4; Thomson 1982). The Eskilstuna iron-working proto-industry only became significant around 1600 'to meet the needs of the Swedish army and navy'; when *re famous proto-industrial manufactory was established at Eskilstuna in the mid-seventeenth century, 'the armed forces were the principal customers' (Magnusson and Isacson 1982: 921, Magnusson 1991: 303). The expansions and contractions of the gunbarrel proto-industrly in *re northern Italian valleys of Brescia were largely caused by fluctuations in military demand (Belfanti 1993:263). State purchases were essential for many Portuguese proto-industries, and subsequendy strongly influenced which proto-industrial regions industrialized and which de-industrialized (Pedreira 1990: 437-8, 536, 543). The early modern state exerted an even more significant impact on proto-industries by reinforcing (or weakening) other social institutions. As we have seen, communities, landholding systems and corporate groups influenced setdement, marriage, work, landholding, resource allocation, access to markets and every form of commerce and uade in most European proto-industrial regions. They were only able to regulate so many activities because of the enforcement they got from the state. In uriuial states, government was impossible without the cooperadon of local-level institutions, often local communities and landowners. The central state suppofted local rules in tacit exchange for local co-operation in implementing taxation, conscription and regulation. The impoftance of ttris symbiosis between state and local institutions emerges from every study of the growth of,social control, on the local level in early modern Europe (Ogilvie lgg2). Its importance for proto-inclustries, as we have seen, emerges from almost every micro-study.

8 36 Sheilaghc. Ogilaie In ciqrstaus, the community was co-extensive with the state, and often urban grrilds and companies played an important role in the government. This was an imponant factor influencing proto-industrialization in northem and cenual 1993), ttre territories of the German Free Imperial Cities (IGe8ling 1991; Kisch 1981b), and to a considerable extent also the territories of the Swiss Federation (Braun 1978). In feudal slates, which existed in different forms in eastem Europe, parts of Italy, and the micro-states of southem Germany, either the prince was also the major landowner, or the great landowners enjoyed goverrrmental as well as tenurial powers over their peasants (Belfanti 1993; Kiefjling 1991; Kisch 198Ib; Klima 1991; Palairet 1982i Rudolph 1985). The establishment and control of proto-industries by feudal landlords were only possible because in such territories ttre state and the seigneurial system supported one another. It was often not until the second half of the eighteenth century (or even later), and thus only towards the very end of the period of protoindustrialization, that most European states became strong enough to begin to try to dispense with the support they obtained from traditional social institutions - whether these were local village communities, towns and cities, guilds and companies, or feudal landlords. Even then, there was almost always a prolonged phase during which these institutions retained significant ponions of their traditional powers. Even if they no longer enjoyed complete monopolies, even if they were facing competition from new institutions, they nevertheless retained imponant privileges, which often enabled them to exercise real economic effects on proto-industries (and other economic sectors) for generations longer. During this phase, production and trading activities which violated these institutions' surviving privileges continued to be persecuted and penalized; at best, such activities constituted a 'black market' or 'informal sector' (as it is called in modern developing economies), not an open and regulated 'market economy'. Moreover, the institutional arrangements with which the state formally replaced the traditional institutions of communities, landlords, guilds and companies were generally not open markets, but rather countervailing structures of privileges and monopolies (such as those of the 'Fabriken'- manufactories - in Austria and Bohemia), protecting the interests of new and favoured social groups, and enforced with new effectiveness by the rationalized administrative apparatus of the 'enlightened' absolutist state. The emerging modem state thus played a range of roles in European proto-industry. It intervened directly, *rough not often effectively, to encourage proto-industrial enterprises. It made war, collected taxes, Social institutions and proto-industrialization captured and administered colonies, and set up customs barriers, rr"jping to shape the expon markets within which proto-industries op.."t"a. Above all, however, the state provided support to the other instirudons - whether communities, landlords, guilds and companies, or the new smtctures of privilege and protective regulation emerging from the late eighteenth century on - which had such a wide-ranging impact on most European proto-industries and, indeed, often survived into industrialization ProPer. Conclusion Perhaps the greatest service performed by the concept of proto-industrialization is to have generated so many studies of the same phenomenonin such a wide variety of contexts, thereby making comparisons across societies more fruitfrrl than is ordinarily the case. These comparisons have revealed an important cogunon feature throughout early modern Europe: an enduring specialization of production, creating a network of interdependent regions of agriculture and proto-industry linked by urban centres with one another and the non-european world. Yet such comparisons have also revealed profound differences and divergences among European societies. Some proto-industrial regions - particularly in north-westem Europe - experienced economic growth, social transformation and ultimate industrialization. Sadly, many others did not, and this had enduring consequences for their economic and political futures, particularly in the case of eastem Europe. A major factor behind these diferences in proto-industrialization - and, by implication, economic development in general - appears to have been the framework of social institutions, which profoundly affected the costs of diferent economic, social and demographic decisions. Deeper investigation of these social institutions, and closer analysis of their effects, may hold out the best perspectives for explaining differences in economic development, certainly in early modem Europe, and perhaps in pre-industrial societies more generally. 37

9 References 241 References Abt-Frossl, Victor 1988 Agraneaolution und Heimindustrie. Ein Vergleirh zwischen Heimarbeiter- und Bauem-ddrfern des Baselbiets im 17. und 18' Jahrhuad'm (LiestaI). Agretr, Maria 1992 Joril och gtild. social shikming och riit*lig konfliht i siidra Dalarna ca 1650-I 850 (IJPPsala). Ahlberger, christer 1988 Vtivarfolket. Heminfistrin i Mark (Gciteborg). Allen, Robert C Enclosure and the yeoman (Oxford). Almquist, E. L. lgtg 'Pre-famine Ireland and the theory of European protoindustrializarion: the evidence from the l84l census" Joumal of Economic Hisary 39: Andersson, Roger and Haraldsson, Kjell 1988 'Geografisk focus och protoindustriell loctts', B eby ggels ehis torisk Tids knft I 6 : 93- I 09' Aracil, Rafael and Garcia Bonaf6, Mario 1978 'Industria domestica e industrializaci6n en Espaia', Hacimda Publica Espafiola 55:- ll3-29 ' 1983.Il protoindustrializaci6 i la industria rural espanyola al segle xviii" Recerques 13: 'The Armstrong, Alan'v/.1972 use of information about occupation" in E. A. 0ri-gley (ed.), Ninetemth'centur socicr: essays in the use of quantitatite methodsfor the stud3t of socialdata (Cambridge): ' Aubin, Gustav and Kunze, Arno 1940 Leinenerzeugung und Leinenabsatz im \stlichm Mitutdeutschland zur Zeit der Zunftkiiufe. Ein Beinag zur indusnielhn Kolnnisation des deutschsn Osreru (Stungan)'.Die Aubin, H. lg42 Anflinge der grossen schlesischen I-einenweberei und -handlung" vierteljahrschift filr Sozial- und lvirtschafrsgeschithu Formen und verbreirung des verlagswesens in der Almtirnberger luirtschaft" in Beitriige zur wirtschaftsgeschichte Nilrnbergs, vol. II (l'{iimberg): lvlaurice Aymard, 1991 'La fragilirir di un'economia avanzata: l',italia e le trasformazioni dell'economia', in Ruggiero Romano (ed'), Smia dell'economia italiana, vol. II, L'eui moderna: oeno la cnsi fforino): ' Baltzarek, Fraru 1979 '-Ztt dert regionalen Ansdtzen der friihen Industrialisierung in Europa', in Herben Kninler (ed'), lvir*chof*- und sozialhismrische Fatschift fiir Alfred HofJtnann zum 75. Geburtstag flvien): -Beifiage Belfanti, Carlo Marco 1993 'Rural manufactures and rural proto-industries in the "Italy of the Cities" from the sixteenth through the eighteenth cenfury', Continuity and Change 8: Bdlina, Pavel 1983 'Stimi podpora textilni vyroby v ieskych zemich ve druh6 polovine 17. a v 18. stoleti', Z dijin textilu 5: Benedini, Bortolo 1880 Le piccole industrie adane a contadini neue intenninenze de' laooi campesni (Brescia). Berg, Maxine 1985 The age of manufactures. Industry, innoztation and work in Bitain I 70O (I-ondon) 'Vomen's work, mechanization and the early phases of industrialization in England', in Patrick Joyce (ed.), The historical meanings of work (Cambridge): 'Commerce l99l and creativity in eighteenth century Birmingham', in Maxine Berg (ed.), Marke* and manufactures in early industrial Europe (I-ondon): a '$/omen's property and the industrial revolution', Journal of Interdisciplinary Hisary 24: , 1993b 'Small producer capitalism in eighteenth-century England', Business Hisnry35' c 'Sflhat difference did women's work make to the industrial revolution?', History Workshop Journal 35: The age of manufactures. Industry, innoztation and work in Britain Znd edn (I-ondon). Berg, Maxine and Hudson, Pat 1992'Rehabilitating the industrial revolution', Economic Hisnry Reaiew 45: Berger, Peter 1981 'Finanzwesen und Staatswerdung. Zur Genese absolutistischer llerrschaftstechnik in Osterreich', in Herbert Matis (ed.), Von der Glikkseligkeit des Staates (tr7ien): Berkner, Lutz K 'Familg social structure and rural industry: a comparative study of *re \(aldvienel and the Pays de Caux in the eighteenth century' (PhD dissenation, Harvard University). Bernecker, Michael 1990 'Die Schweiz und die lfeltwirtschaft: Etappen der Integration im 19. und 20. Jahrhunden', in Paul Bairoch and Martin Korner (eds.), Dr Schweiz in der lvehzuiruchaft (Znnch): Bielenberg, Andy l99l Cork's Indusrrial Reuolutbn 178O-1880: deoelopmmt or decline? (Cork). Bietenhard, Benedilrc 1988 Langnau im 18. Jahrhundert. Die Biographie einer liindlichm Kirchgerneinde im bernischen Ancien Rtgime (Ihun). Bilbao, Luis Maria and Fernindez del Piriedo, Emiliano 1988 'Anesania e industria', in Miguel Artola (ed.), Enciclopedia de Historia de Espafia, vol. l, Economia y Sociedad (Madrid): 96-f 90. 'W'alter Bodmer, 1960 Die Entwirklung der schweizerischen Textilwinschaft im Rahmen der iibigen Industrien und lvirtschafxzweige (Zirich). Brduer, H 'Probleme der dlteren Handwerksgeschichte. Einige akruelle Forschungsaufgaben im Bezirk Karl-Marx-Stadt', Regionalgeschichtliche Beitriige aus dem Bezirk Karl-Maa-Stadt 5: 5l ?'Bemerkungen zur sozial<ikonomischen Ennricklung des Zunfthandwerks in Sachsen zwischen 1648 und 1763', n III. Internationales 240

10 242 References Handwerksgeschirhdiches Sjtmposium Veszprlm , 2 vols. (Veszpr6m): Braun, Rudolf 1960 Industialisierung und Volkskben. Die Veriinderungen da Izbensformm in einem liindlirhen Industriegebiet aor 1800 (Ziircher and Ziirich) 'Protoindustrialization and demographic changes in the Canton Ztirich', in Charles Tilly (ed.), Hi^stori.cal smdies of changing L990 Industrialisation and euayday life (Cambndge and Paris). Brunner, Ono 1956 'Das Ganze Haus und die Alteuropiiische Okonomik', in Otto Brunner, Neue lvege der Sozialgeschichte (Gdtttngen): (2nd edn 1968). Bricher, K (ath edn) 'An. Gewerbe', in Handwdnerbuch der Smauwissenschaftm, vol. [V Sena): Bucher, Silvio 1974 Bevdlkerung und lvimchafi des Amus Entlebuch im 18. Jahrhunden (I-uzern). Cafagna, Luciano 1989 Dualismo e soiluppo nella snia d'halia ffenezia). Cailly, Claude 1993a Mutatinn d'un espace proto-in&tstriel (I* Mans). 1993b 'Contribution ir la d6finition d'un mode de production protoindustriel', Hisaire et mesure 8: l9-40. Caizzi, Bruno 1968 Industria, commercio e banca in Lombardia nel XWII secolo (Milano) L'economia lombarda durante la restaurazione (181,11859) (Milano). Camps, Enriqueta 1990 'Migraciones internas y formaci6n del mercado de Eabaio en la Catalufia indusrial en el siglo XIX' (PhD dissertarion, European University Instirute, Florence). Capecchi, Vittorio l99l 'Una storia della specializzazione flessibile e dei distretti industriali in Emilia-Romagna', in Frank Pyke, Giacomo Becattini and Werner Segenberger (eds.), Desrreli industriali e cooperazbru fra imprese in halia (Firenze). Cappello, Stefania and Prandi, Alfonso 1973 Caryi: tadizione e sailuppo (Bologna). Carmona Badia, Jo6m 1990 El atraso industrial de Galicia (Barcelona). Carpenter, Rebecca 1994 'Peasants and stockingers: socio-economic change in GutNaxton Hundred, Leicestershire, ' (PhD dissertadon, University of I-eicester). Carrdre, Claude 1967 Barcelone, centte 6conomi4ue d I'bpoquc des diffaitis, I 380- I 462, 'Structures et 6volution des entreprises pr6-industrielles: le cas de Barcelone au bas Moyen-Age', Studi in Memoia di Fedrigo Melis, vol. III Qrlapoli): Caspard, Pierre 1979 'Die Fabrik auf dem Dorfl, in Detlef Puls (ed.)' lyahrnehmungsformm und hotestaerhahen. Studitn zur Lage der Unterschithten im 18. und 19. Jahrhundcrt franld.rrt am Main): Cayez, Piene 1978 M tien jatauard et hauts foumeat^tx. Aux oigines de l'industrie lyonnaise (Lyon). Census l84l Repon of the commissioners appointed m take the Cnsus of lreland for theyear U8431). References 243 l90l Census of Ireland Part l, Occupations erc.: vol. l, Leircter; vol.2, Munste4 vol. 3, Ukter, vol. 4, Connaught. Pafi 2, General ierm6kov6-neslidkov6, Ludmila 1979 Dusledky kapitalistickt industrializace a populainim oyaoji seaerni a seuuaulchodni Moraz4t (Praha). Cerman, Markus 1993 'Proto-indusrialization in an urban environment: Vienna, ', Continuity and Change 8: Chambers, J. D 'The vale of Trent ', Econom'ic Hisury Reuian Supplement 'The rural domestic industries during the period of transition to the factory system, with special reference to the Midland counties of England', hoceedings of the Second International Congress of Economic History (Aix-mhoaence), vol. li: Chassagne, Serge 1990'I-e r6le des marchands fabricants dans la transition entre proto-industrialisation et i-ndustrie cotonnidre', Annales de Bretagne 97: l99l Le coton et ses patrozs (Paris). Chayanov, Aleksander V The theory of peasant economy, ed. D. Thomer, B. Kerblay and R. E. F. Smith (Homewood, Ill.). Cipolla, Carlo M 'The economic decline of ltaly', in Brian Pullan (ed.), Crisis and change in the Vmetian economy in the sixtemth and seamtemth centuries (I-ondon) : Ciriacono, Salvatore 1983 'Protoindusria, lavoro a domicilio e sviluppo economico nelle campagrre venete in epoca modema', Quaderni Smrici l8:, Clark, Peter and Slack, Paul 1976 English towns in tarcition (Odord). Clarkson, I-eslie A hoto-industrialization: the first phase of industrialization? (I-ondon). 1989a 'The environment and dynamic of pre-factory industry in Northem Ireland', in Pat Hudson (ed.), Regioru and industries: a prspectiae on the industrial retolution in Bitain (Cambridge): b 'The Carrick-on-Suir woollen industry in the eighteenth century',.irrs& Economic and Social Hismry 16:2341. Clarkson, I-eslie A. and Crawford, E. Margaret l99l 'Life after death: widows in Carrick-on-Suir at *re end of the eighteenth century', in Margaret MacCurtain and Mary O'Dowd (eds.), \Vomen in early modern and Edinburgh): 2?6-54. Clasen, Claus-Peter l98l Die Augsburgt lvebq. Izistungen und l(ri"sm da Textilganerbes um I 600 (Augsburg). Coleman, Donald C 'Proto-industrialization: a concept too many', Economic Hismry Review 36: Collins, Brenda 1982 'Proto-industrialization and pre-famine emigradon', Soclal Hismry7: Coomaert, Emile 1930 Un cmtre industriel d'autrefois. La draperie salteueie d'hondschoou (Paris). Cor6eld, Penelope J. and Keene, Derek (eds.) 1990 \York in mwrc (kicester). Corner, Paul R Conndini e industrializzazione. Societd rurale e impresa in Italia (Roma and Bari).

11 244 References Cova, Albeno 1987 'L'altemativa manifamrriera', in Sergio Zaninelli (ed.), Da un sisterna agricob a un sisuma industiale: il Comasco dal Senecento al Noaecento. Il dfficile equilbio agricolo-manifanuiero ( ), vol. I (Como): Crafts, N. F. R British economic growth during the industrial reuolurian (Odord). Crafts, N. F. R. and Harley, C. Knick 1992 'Output growth and the British industrial revolution: a restatement of the Crafts-Harley view', Economic Hismry Reaieu 2nd ser. 45: Craw{ord, ltilliam H 'The evolurion of the linen trade before industrialization', Irish Economic and Social History 15: Crouzet, Frangois 1964 '\7ars, blockade and economic change in Europe, ', Journal of Economic History 24:, Daly, Mary E Dublin the deposed capital: a social and economic history (Cork). Deane, Phyllis and Cole, til(/. A British economic growth, : trends and smrcture (Cambridge). de Kezel, Luc 1988 'Grondbezit in Maanderen, Bijdrage tot de discussie over de sociaal-economische ontwikkeling op het Vlaamse platteland', Tijdschift Sociale Geschiedmis 14: 6l-102. Deprez, Paul 1965 'The demographic development of eighteenth-century Flanders', in D. V. Glass and D. E. C. Eversley (eds.), Population in hismry (l,ondon): D6rival Le Voyageur darc les Pays-bas Autichims ou lettes sur I'itat actuel de ces pays,2 vols. (Amsterdam). de Vries, Jan 1974 The Dutch rural economy in the golden age, 150O-1700 (Berkeley) The economy of Europe in an age of cisis, I 600- I 750 (Cambridge). 984 Europ ean urb aniz ation, I 50 O (Ilndon) 'Between purchasing power and the world of goods: understanding the household economy in early modem Europe', in John Brewer and Roy Poner (eds.), C onsumption and the world of goods (I-ondon) : 'The industrial revolution and the industrious revolution', Joumal of Economic Hismry 54: l. Dewerpe, Alain 1985 L'industie atu champs. Essai sur la proto-indwtrialisation m halie du Nord ( ) (Roma) 'Genesi protoindustriale di una regione sviluppata: I'Italia senentrionale', in Andreina De Clementi (ed.), La societd inafferabile. hotoindustia, citta e classi sociali nell'italia liberale (Roma): 3l 'Verso I'Italia industriale', in Ruggiero Romano (ed,), Sron'c dell'economia italiana L'etd conumporanea: un paese nrmoo, vol. I[ (forino): Deyon, Pierre and Mendels, Franklin (eds.) 1982 VIIIe Congrds International d'hismire Economique, Budapest aoftt Section 42: La homindustialisation: Th\oie et Rbalitb Cl-ille). Dickson, David 1977 'Aspects of rhe rise and decline of the Irish conon industry', in L. M. Cullen and T. C. Smout (eds.), Comparative aspecu of Snnish and lrish economic and social hisnty References 245 Dickson, P. G. M Finance and goztemment under Maria Theresia, , 2 vols. (Oxford). Dloussky, Jocelyne 1990 Vioe la toile (Mayenne). Dohnal, Miloi 1966 Pfiaodni akumulace a tznik manufahtur a seaeromoraoskt p I dtmi c kb o b la s ti (P r aha). Dubler, Anne-Marie and Siegrist, Jean-Jacques 1975 lvohlen. Geschichte oon Recht, tvinschaft und Beablkerung einer frilhindustialisiencn Gemeinde im Aargau (Aarau). Ebeling, D. and Klein, P 'Das soziale und demographische System der Ravensberger Protoindustrialisierung', in E. Hinrichs and H. van Zon, (eds.), Ber:\lkerungsgeschichte im Vergleich. Studien zu den Niederlanden und N or dw e std eux c h lan d (Auric}:,) : Ehmer, Josef 1980 Familienstruktur und Arbeitsorganisation im fiihindustriellen Wien Nien). l99l Heiraxaerhahen, Soziakmtktur, iikonomischer \Vandel. England und Mitteleuropa in der Formationsperiode des Kapitalismru (Gdttingen). Eley, Geoff 1984 'The social history of industrializarion: "proto-industry" and the origins of capitalism', Economy and Society 13: Eliasson, Gunnar 1988 'Schumpeterian innovation, market structurer and the stability of industrial development', in H. Hanusch (ed.), Evolutianary economics. Applirations of Schumpew's ideas (Cambndge): l5l-99. Engels,!7. and kgers, P Aus der Geschichte der Remscheider und Bergischen Vl'erkzeug- und Eisenindustie, 2 vols. (Remscheid). Engrand, Charles 19?9 'Concurrences et compl6mentarit6s des villes et des campagnes, les manufacfures picardes', Reaue du Nord 6l: 6l-81. Ericsson, Inger and Rogers, John I 978 Rzral labor and population change (tjppsala). Faipoult, F Mdmoire statistique du dipanement de I'Escaut (ed. P. Deprez, Gent 1960). Fenster, Aristide 1983 Adel und Okonomie im ooindustriellm Rupland. Die unternehmeische Bettitigung der Guxbesitzer in der gro\gewerblichm lviruchaft im 17. und 18. Jahrhundat flviesbaden). Fiedler, S GrundriB der Militar- und Kriegsgeschichte, vol. I' (Miinchen). Fine, Ben and l*opold, Ellen 1989 'Consumerism and the industrial revoluion', Social History 15: l5l-79. Fink, Paul 1983 Geschkhu der Basler Bandindustrie (Basel and Franld:rt am Main). Fischer, Franz 1966 Die blauen Sensen. Sozial- und \Yirtschafsgeschichu der Sensmschmiedezunft zu Kirchdarf-Micheldnrf bis zur Mine des 18. Jahrhunderts (Graz and Koln). Fitz, Amo l98l 'Die Fnihindusrialisierung Vorarlbergs und ihre Auswirkungen auf die dissertation, University of Vienna) Die Frilhindustrialkienmg Vorarlbergs und ihre Auswirkungm auf die F amiliensmtkur (Dombirn). Flik, n. l99o Die Textilindustrie in Calw und in Heidenheim Eine regional vergleirhende Untersuchung zur Geschichte der Frilhin&snialisierung und Industriepolitik in Y'ilntemberg (Stungart). Ror6n, Anders and Ryd6n, G<iran 1992 'Arbete, hushill och region. Tankar om

12 246 References industrialiseringsprocesser och den svenska jiimhanteringen,, (Jppsah Papns in Ecnnomic History 29. Flor6n, Anders, Isacson, Marhs, Ryd6n, Gciran and Agren, Maria 1993,swedish iron before 1900', in Goran Ryd6n and Maria Agren (eds.), Ironmahing ii Sweden and Russia. A suntqt of the social organisatian of iron productbn bior, 1900 S.Jppsala):742. Floud, Roderick and McClosken Donald (eds.) l98l The economic hisnry of Bitain since 1700 (Cambridge). Fltigel, A Kaufleute und Manufakturen in Bielefeld: Sozialq lvan&l und winschaftliche Enaticklung im pron-industriellm rzinenganube oon 16g0 bis /850 (Bielefeld). Fortea P6rez, Jos6 Ignacio l98l C6rdoba en el siglo XW: las bases dcmogrdficas y econ6micas dz una expansiin urbana (C6rdoba). Fremdling, R., Pierenkemper, T. and Tillg R. H 'Regionale Differen_ zierung in Deutschland als Schwerpunkt wirtschaftshistorischer Forschung', in R. Fremdling and R. H. Tilly (eds.), Industrialisienmg und Raum: Stu"dim zur regionalen Differmzierung in Deuuchland des Ig. J ahrhun^deru (Stuttgan) : Freudenberger, Herman 1979 'Zur Linzer lfollzeugfabrik', in Herbert Knittler (ed.), \Virt:chafts- und sozialhistorische Beitriige. Fesuchifi fir Alfred Hofftnann zum l98l'die proto-industrielle Ennricklungsphase in Osterreich. Proto- Industrialisierung als sozialer l-emprozep', in Herben Mads (ed.), Zoz der Glikkseligkeit des Freudenberger, Fferman and Mensch, Gustav L975 Von der husinzsmdt zur Industrieregbn (Gottingen). Freudenberger, Herman and Redlich, Fritz 1964 'The industrial development of Europe: reality, symbols, images', Kyklos 17: Fridholm, Merike, Isacson, Maths and Magnusson, krs 1976 Industrialirmens rr;ner Q-und). Fridlizius, Gunnar 1979 'Sweden', in ril7. R. I*e (ed.), European danography and economh groatrft (I-ondon): 340_4.06, Frobel, Folker, Heinrichs, Jiirgen and Kreye, Ono 1980 The netl international diaisian of labour: stntcural unemplo)/ment in industrialized counnies and indusnialization in deoehping countria (Cambridge). Frohneft, Per 1993 Kmnans skatts och bonderc briid. Den lohalafiirualmingm och bdnderna i Sterige I 7 I 9-I 775 (Lund). Frost, Pauline l98l 'Yeomen and metalsmiths: livestock in the dual econorny of South Stafordshire l56g-l 720', Agriatbural History Rettieu 29: ' Furger, F. lg27 Zum Verlagssystem ak Organisationsform dzs Friihhaphalismus im Texrilg eut nb e (Srungart). Gagliardo, John G. l99l Germany under the Otd Regime' (London)' Gaicia Sanz, Angel 1977 Desanollo y crisis del Antiguo Rbgimen en Castilla Ia Vteia' honom'za y socicd.ad m tieraas de Segortia, (Madrid) 'Mercaderes hacedores de pafios en Segovia en ia 6poca de Carlos V: organizaci6n del proceso productivo y estructura del capital industriali Hacienda htblica Espafiola 108-9: 'Competitivos enlanas, pero no en pafios: I-ana para la exportaci6nl References 247 lana para los telares nacionales en la Espafla del Antiguo R6gimen', Rnista de Hisaria Econimica 12: Gavor, G6rard l98l 'la longue insolence des tondeurs de draps dans la manufacnrre de Sedan au XWIIe sidcle', Reauc du Nord 63: lo5-14' 1995 De la pluralitb des mondes industriek, la manufacture royale dc draps de Sedan, I Garis). Geary, Frank 1989 'The Belfast conon industry revisited', Irish Hismical Studies 26:25V67. Gill, C The rise of the Irish linen industry (Oxford). Giorgetti, Giorgio 1974 Contadini e propietai.nell'italia moderna (forino). Gribel, G. u Bniilkentng und Okonomie. Historisch-demogaphische [Jnutsuchung dzs Kirchspiek Siegen in dzr Nassau-Oranischen Zeit (St Katharinen). Gotvalez Enciso, Agustin 1975'Inversi6n publica e industria textil en el siglo XVIU. I-a Real Fibrica de Guadalajara. Notas para su estudio', Moneda y Credito 133: a'l-a protoindustrializaci6n en Espafia', Ranista dz Hismria Econimica 2' l: b 'h protoindustrializaci6n en Castilla la Vieia en el siglo XVIII', Reoista de Historia Econ6mica 2' 3: 5l-82. Good, David F The economic rise of the Habsburg Empire, 175O-1914 (Berkeley). Gothein, E lvirtschafxgeschichte des Schwarzwaldes und der angrenzenderl Lands ch aften (Strasbourg). Gr<jllich, E. lgll Die Baumwollweberei der siiahsischm Oberlausitz und ihre Enaticklung zum GrcssbetrieD (I-eipzig). Griill, Georg 1974 'The Poneggen hosiery enterprise, : a study of Austrian mercantilism', Textile Hismry 5: Guignet, Philippe 1977 Mines, manufactures et outrien du Valmciennois au XVIIIime siicle Q.{ew York) 'Adaptations, muadons et survivances proto-industrielles dans le textile du Cambr sis et du Valenciennois du XVIIIe au debut du )O(e siricle', Reuue du Nord 6l: Gullickson, Gay L 'Agriculture and coftage industry: redefining the causes of proto-industrialization', Journal of Economic History 43: Sfinnen and weaoers of Auffay (Cambridge). Gutrnann, Myron 1987 'Proto-industrialization and marriage ages in Eastern Belgium', Annales de Dbmographie Histoiqu.e: Gyssels, Claire and Van Der Straeten, Ueve 1986 Banolking, arbeid en teuerkstelling in lvest-waandzran, I 796- I 8 I 5 (Gent). Hainal, John 1965 'European marriage pattems in perspective', in D. V. Glass and D. E. C. Eversley (eds.), Population in hiswry [-ondon): l0l 'Two kinds of pre-industrial household formation system', in R.!flall, J. Robin and P. I-aslen (eds.), Family forms in histoic Europe (Cambridge): Halmdienst, Carmen 1993 Die Enwicklung der l*inenindustrie in Oberijsteneich - (unter besondcrer Brilcksichtigung des Milhlaimck) Ginz). Hansen, Bcirje 1977 Ostzrten (Stockholm).

13 I 248 References Haraldsson, Kjell 1989 Tradition, regional specialisering och in&s*inll waeckling _ sdgaerksindustin i Gtioleborgs l6n (Jppsala). Harder-Gersdorff, E 'I-rinen-Regionen im vorfeld und im verlauf der Industrialisierung (178G-1914)', in H. Pohl (ed.), Ganobe- und Ind.wrie_ landschaftm aom Spiitrnitulaher bis irl.s 20. Jahrhundm (Stungan): 203_53. Harley, c. Knick 1982 'Brirish industrialization before lg4l: evidence of slower growth during the industrial revolution', Jountal of Economic Hisnry 42: Harnisch, H. 1979'Bevdlkerungsgeschichtliche Probleme der Industriellen Revolution in Deutschland', in K. I-drmer (ed.), studien zur Geschichu der hoduktiakrtifte (Berlin, GDR) : Hasquin, Herv Les r4flexions sur I'btat prtsent du commerce fabri4ues et manufactures des Pais-Bas Autichierts (1765) du nbgociant bruxeltois N. Bacon (1 7 I 0-l ZZ9) (Briissel). Hassinger, Herben 1964 'Der Stand der Manufakruren in den deutschen Erbliindern der Habsburgermonarchie am Ende des 18. Jahrhundens', in Friedrich Liitge (ed.), Die wirtschaftliche Siruadon in Deutschland und, Osteneich an der lvende vom 18. zum 19. Jahrhunden (Sruttgan): I l 'Die althabsburgischen I-dnder und Salzburg ', Handbuch der anropiiischen Wirxchafts- und Sozialgeschichte, vol. III (Srungan) : Head, Anne-Lise 1986 'D6mographie, soci6t6 et 6conomie de montagne. I-e pays glaronais de la fin du XWe au milieu du XD(e sidcle' (fhdse, University of Geneva). Heaton, Herbert 1965 (lst edn 1920) The Yorkshire vtoollen and worsnd industria (Oxford). Heckscher, Eli F Saeiges ekonomiska historia sedan Gustaa Vasa,4vols. (Stockholm) An economic history of Sweden (Cambridge, Mass.). Heiz, G. l96l Ltindliche Leinenproduktion in Satluen ( ) (Berlin). Henderson, $7. O Manufactoies in Germany CFranlfirt am Main, Bem and New York). Hendriclrx, Frangois M. M 'From weavers to workers: demographic implications of an economic transformation in Twente (ttre Netherlands) in the nineteenth century', Continuity and Change 8:321-55, Herliz, lars 1974 Jordegendom och rrizra (Goteborg). Hey, David G 'A dual economy in souttr Yorlshire', Agriaitural Hismry Review l7: The rural metalworkrs of the Sheffield region Q-eicester). Hippel,!7. von 1977 Die Bauernbefreiung im Kdnigreich lv'ilmemberg,2 vols' (Boppard am Rhein). Hoffinann, Alfred 1952 Winschaftsgeschichte des Landes Oberdsterebh, vol' I (Salzburg). Hoftnann, 'Uf. G. l93l Stadien und Typen der Industrialisimng. Ein Beitrag zur qu antitatia en Analy s e histois cher Wirts chaftspro z es se {ena), 'Urban Hohenberg, Paul M. l99l manufacrures i",tt. proto-industrial economy: culture versus commerce', in M. Berg (ed.), Markets atd manufacture in early industial Europe (I-ondon and New York): L59-:12' References 249 Hohenberg, Paul M. and l-ees, L1'nn Hollen 1985 The mahing of urban Europe (Cambridge, Mass., and Ilndon). Hohorst, G Vlinschafxwachstum und Beudlkerungsennaicklung in heussen 1816 bis /914 (New York). Hoppit, Julian 1990 'Counting the industrial revolution', Economic History Review 43: Horrell, Sara and Humphries, Jane 1992 'Old questions' new data and altemative perspectives: families' living standards in the industrial revolution', Joumal of Economic H'istory 52: Houston, Rab A. and Snell, Keith D. M 'Proto-industrialization? Cottage industry, social change and industrial revolution', Hismrical Journal 27: Hubler, Lucienne 1984 La population de Vallorbe du XVIe au dibut du XIXe siicle. Dbmographie d'une paroisse indwtrielle jurassy'enn a (I-ausanne). Hudson, Pat l98l 'Proto-industrialization: the case of the \0est Riding wool textile industry in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries', History WorkshoP Journal 72: 'From manor to mill: the!(zest Riding in transition', in M. Berg, P. Hudson and M. Sonenscher (eds.), Manufacture in town and county before the factory (Cambridg e) : The genesis of industrial capital (Cambridge) 'The regional perspective', in Pat Hudson (ed.)' Regians and industries. A perspectiae on the industrial rettolution in Bitain (Cambridge): I 990'Proto-industrialisation', ReFresh I 0: The industial reoolution (I-ondon). Hudson, Pat and King, Steven 1994 'Rural industrializing townships and urban lints in eighteenth-century Yorkshire', in Peter Clark and Penelope Corfield (eds.), Industry and urbanization in eighteenth-centuty England (I-eicester): 4l (for*rcoming) 'A sense of place: industrialising townships in eighteenthcentury Yorkshire', in R. kboutte (ed.), hotoindustrial:isation: Recherches rbcentes et nouztelles perspect'iaes. Mblanges en souamir de Franklin Mendeb (Gendve). forthcoming Industrialization, material culture and eueryday life. Iradiel Murugarren, Paulino 1974 Eaolu.cihn de la industria tzxtil castellana en los siglos XIIFXVI. Facmrds de desanollo, organizacidn y costes de la produtci6n manufacturera en Cuenca (Salamanca) 'Estructuras agrarias y modelos de organizaci6n industrial precapitalista en Casdlla', Studia Hismica l: Isacson, Maths 1988 'Proto-industrins och fabriksindustrins regionala utbredning. i Norden- en <iversikt', Bebjtggelsehisurisk Tidskrift 16:9-23. rsacson, Maths and Magnusson, t-ars 1987 hoto-industrialization in Scandinaoia, Q-,eamington Spa). Jackson, R. V 'Rates of indusrial growth during the industrial revolution', Economic Hisurv Rwieut 45: l-23. Jdger, Reto, I*mmenmeier, Max, Rohr, August and Wiher, peter 1986 Baumwollgarn ak Schicksalsfadm: lyinschaftliche und gesellschaftliche I

14 250 References Entzabklungen in ehrcm kindlichen Industriegebiet (Zi)rcher obnland) (Zririch). Jahn-I-angen, Helene 196l Das biihmische Niederrand. Bev\lkerungs- und sozialstruktur einer Industrielandschaft (Bad Godesberg). Jan6ls Jan 1983 'Brno jako sdedoewopsk6 centrum vjroby jemnj'ch suken', B'ro mezi misty stiednt I l6-28. Jaspers, Lieve and Stevens, carine lg85 Arbeid m tewerkstelling in oost- Waanderen op het einde oan het Ancien R1gime (Gent). Jeannin, Pierre 1980 'r-a proto-industrialisarion: d6veloppement ou impasse?' Annales ESC 35: John, Arrhur H. l96l 'Aspects of English economic growth in the first half of the eighteenth century', Economba 28: Johnson, c. H 'De-industrialization: the case of the I-anguedoc woolens industry', in Pierre Deyon and Franklin Mendels (eds.i, viiie congris Intematianal d'hismire Earnmique, Budapest anfit 19g2. section A2: La hotoindustrialisation: Thinrie et R\atiti (I_ille). Jonell-Ericsson, Brina 1975 Skinnare i Malung (Uppsala). Jones, Eric L 'Agricultural origins of industry', past and hesent 40 5g-71. Jonsson, I 'Kvinnor och m6n i Hiilsinglands linhantering under lg00- talet', Bebyggelsehismisk Ti&kift Linhantringm i Hiikingland (uppsala). J<irberg, I-ennart 1975 'The Nordic counrries', in Carlo M. Cippolla (ed,.), The Fontana ecornmic hismry of Europe, vol. fv (I_ondon): 3754g5, Kao, C. H. C., Anschel, K. R. and Eicher, C. K Disguised unemploy_ ment in agriculture: a survey,, in C. K. Eicher and L. rxrin (eds-), Agriaiture in economh d^euehpment (lr{ew york): IQimikov6, Ludmila 1965 vjruoj obyoatekntaa teskjtch zemich Kauflrold, K.-H Das Metdlgewerbe der Grafschaft Mark im lg. und fi)hen 19. J ahrhundm (Dortrnund) 'Gewerbelandschaften in der fiiihen Neuzeit', in fr. pohl (ed.), Ganerbe- und In&strblandschaften vom spaonittelaker bis iru 20. Jahrhundelr (Srungarr) : I Kellen, J. R. l95s 'The breakdown of guild and corporation control of the handicraft and retail trades in I-ondon', Econamic Hismnt Redew rr: Kellg Patrick 1980 'The Irish ttr/oollen Export prohibition Act of 1699: Keamey revisited', Irish Economic and Social Hismrv 7: Kennedg Liam 1985 'The rural economy','in Liam Kennedy and phillip Ollerenshaw (eds.), An economic hismry of Ukter (Manchesterj : l_6 l. Kennedy, Liam and clarlson, I-eslie A 'Birth, death, and exile: Irish population history, 170O,L921,, B. J. Graham and L. J. proudfoot (eds.), An historbal geography of lreland (I-ondon): 158_77. Kiesewetter, H 'Erkliirungshypothesen zur regionalen Industrialisierung in Deutschland im 19. Jahrunden', Vizrutjahrschrift fibr Sozial_ und lvins ch afu ge s chi chu 67 : 3 O Kiepling Rolf 1989 Die sudt und ihr Land. umlandpolitik, Biirgerbesia und lvinschaftsgefi)ge in Os*chwaben oom I 4. bis ir:a I 6. Jahrhunden (K6ln). l99l'ennvicklungstendenzen im ostschwiibischen Textilrevier wihrend der References 251 Friihen Neuzeit', in J. Jahn and tu7. Hamrng (eds.), Geuterbe und Handcl oor der Industrialisientng. Regbnale und ilbenegionak Verflechtungen im 17. und 18. Jahrhundct't (Sigmaringen dorl : King, Steven 1993 'The nature and causes of demographic change in an industrialising township c. 168l-1820' (PhD dissertation, University of Liverpool). Kisch, H 'The textile industries of Silesia and the Rhineland: A comparative study of industrialization', Joutnal of Ecorcmic Hismry 19 (1959); reprinted with a postscriptum in Kriedte, Medick and Schlumbohm l98l: 'The growth deterrents of a medieval heritage: the Aachen-area woollen trades before 1790', Journal of Economic Hismry 24: 'Prussian mercantilism and the rise of the Krefeld silk industry: variations upon an eighteenth-century theme', Transactions of the American Philosophical Soaeqy NS 58, Part 7: l 'From monopoly to laissez-faire: the early growth of the Tfupper valley textile trades', Journal of Ewopean Econamit Hismry l: l98la'the textile industries of Silesia and the Rhineland: a comparative study of industrialization [wi*r a postscriptum]', in Peter Kriedte, Hans Medick and Jiirgen Schlumbohm, Industrializatbn before industrialization. Rural industry in the genes'is of capitalism (Cambridge): l98lb Hausindustie und Textilganerbe am Nicdenhein aor der Industriellen Reztolution. Von dcr urspriinglbhen zur kapialistischen Akkumulation (G<iningen). Klein, E Geschichu der ffendichen Finanzen in Deutschland ( ) Sfliesbaden). Klepl, Jan 1932'Kr6lovski m sta 6eski poiitkem 18. stoleti', eesky tasopis hisnricklt?8: 26O-84, ; 39 : 57-7 l. Klima, Arnoit: 1955 Manufakrurn[ obdobi, o Cechdch (Praha) 'English merchant capital in Bohemia in ttre eighteenth century', Economic Hismry Rniau 12: 'The role of rural domestic industry in Bohemia in the eighteenth century', Econnmic Hismry Raial2nd ser., 27: 'Agrarian class structure and economic development in pre-industrial Bohemia', Past and hesenr 85: 'Probleme der Proto-Industrie in B6hmen ant Zeit Maria Theresias', in Ostcneich im Eutopa der Aufkldrung. Konrintitiit und Ziisur in Europa zur Zeir Maria Theresias und Josephs I I (Wien) : l99l Economy, industry and society in Bohertia in,the 17th-I9th cmturies (Praha) 'Die I-dnder der bcihmischen Krone ', n Handbuch der europiiischen \Vinschafa- und Sozialgeschichte, vol. IV (Stuttgan): I 9. Knieriem, M 'Zur Migration spezieller Berufsgruppen in das risdiche S7uppenal am Beispiel der dezentralen Manufakrur der Gebriider Engels in Barmen', in P. Assion (ed.), Trarcformatbnen dq Arbeiterkulur: Beittige der 3. Arbeitstagung da Komm,issbn Arbeiterkubur'in der Dantschen Geselkchaftfi)i Volhskunde in Marburg, oom 3. bis 6. Juni 1985 (Marburg): L68-72.

15 252 References Knittler,Herbert 1986'EisenbergbauundEisenverhtimrngin den osterreichischen Llindern bis ins 18. Jahrhunderr', in Miniere e meallurgia, secc. xrilrxvlil. Diecianesima senimana di studio, Istituto Intzrnazionak di storia Economi.c,a 'Franresco Datini' (Prato) 'Die Donaumonarchie ', in Handbuch der europiiischen lviruchaju- und Sozialgeschithtz, vol. fv. (Srungart): Knodel, John 1988 Demographic behaztbr in the past: a sardy of 14 Gatnan vilage populations in the eighteenth and ninetemth cmtuies (Cambridge). Kocka, Jrirgen l99o IVeder Stand noch Klasse. Ilnterschichten um Komlos, John 1980 'Thoughts on the transition from proto-industrialization to modem industry in Bohemia ', East Cmtral EuropeT: 19g_ a 'Poverty and industrialization at the end of the "phase transidon" in the Czech Crown L-ands', Journal of Economic Hismry 43: b The Habsburg monarchy as a customs union (Prnceton) Die Habsbwgermonarchie als Zollunion. Die winschafumtwichrung Osuneich-Ungarns im 19. Jahrhunden ffienna) 'Bohemian and Moravian industry at the tum of the nineteenth cenrury', in Erik Aerst and Frangois Crouzet (eds.), Economic effects of the Frmch Reaolutionary and Napokon lvars. Session B-1. hoceedings Tenth Inumational Economic Histnry Congress (I-euven) : I O,l- I 3. Komlosy, Andrea 1988 An den Rand gedrringt. lviruchafts- und sozialgeschichte des oberen lyaldtsienels CWien) 'Stube und!(rebsaal. \0Taldvienler Textilindustrie im Spannungsfeld zwischen Verlagswesen, Heim- und Fabriksarbeit', in Andrea Komlosy (ed.), Spinnen- Spulm - lveben (Krems and Hom) : I I Krantz, olle 1987 Hismiska nationalrtikerckaperf)r sverige: offentjig oerksamhet Gund). Krantz, olle and Nilsson, carl-axel 1975 swedish narional product lg6l-19z0 Gund). Kriedte, Peter 1982a 'Die Stadt im Prozep der europdischen proto- Industrialisierung', Die alu Stadt 9: b 'rrbensverhdlmisse, Klassenstrukruren und proto-industrialisierung in Krefeld wdhrend der franzcisischen Zeit', in Mentalitiiten und Lebensvqhii.hnisse. Rudnlf Vierhaus zum 60. Gebunstag (Gciningen): 'Proto-Industrialisierung und gropes Kapital. Das seidengewerbe in Krefeld und seinem Umland bis zum Ende des Ancien Reg)me,, Archivfi)r S o zialgeschichrz 23 : 'Demographic and economic rhghms: the rise of the sitk industry in Krefeld', Jountal of European Economic Hismry 15: l99l Eine stadt am seidmen Faden. Haushalt, Hattsindustrie und soziare Beutegung in Krefeld in der Mitu des 19. Jahrhundms (Gdningen). Kriedte, Peter, Medick, Hans and Schlumbohm, Jrirgen 1977 Industrialisimtng vor d.s Industrialisientng, Gewabliche Varenprodukrbn auf dem Land in dzr Formationsperiode des Kapitalisnru (Gtiningen). l98l Industrializatian before in&strializatbn. Rural indtstry in the genesis of capitalism (Cambridge) 'Proto-Industrialisierung auf dem Prrifstand der historischen Zunft. Antwort auf einige Kririker', Gachichu und Gesellschaft 9: References 'Proto-industrialization on test with the guild of historians: response to some critics', Economy and society, 15: sozialgeschichte in der Erweiterung - Proto-Industrialisierung in der Verengung? Demographie, Sozialstnrktur, modeme Hausindusrie: eine Zwischenbilanz der Proto-Industrialisierungs-Forschung" Geschichte und GeseLlschaft l8: 7G-87' gg3.Proto-industrialization revisited: demography, social structure, and modem domestic industry', Continui6t and Change 8' ' Krop! Rudolf 1982 'Die ober<isterreichische Manufakuren und ihre Beziehungen - zu Niedercisterreich', in Helmuth Feigl and Andreas Kusternig (eds'), Dre Anfd.n ge der I ndusnialisierung Niederi) s tereichs $ ien) : ' Kuczynski, J Geschichte des Allngs des deuuchm volkes,vol.ii (Berlin). lgd4,zw problem der Proto-Industrialisierung. Ein Briefivechsel mit Franklin F. Mendels', Ja hrbuch fit lvir*chaftsgeschirhte 2: I 5 l-60' Kula, vitold 1963 'Przewrot przemyslowy. Historia i perspekrywy. Klasifikacia udanych proces6w industrializacyi nych', Kwartalnik historyczny 70: 3-22' Kulczykowski, Mariusz 1989'Zwischen Protoindustrie und Desindustriali-,i.*t g. Zu den okonomischen Problemen der Textilindustrie in Polen und ostrnineleuropa im 19. Jahrhunden" in Helena Madurowicz-urbanska and Markus Mattrniiller (eds.), Studia 67-78' lggl,ir travail de manufacrure dans les familles paysannes au l8e sidcle" in Annalisa Guarducci (ed'), Forme ed evoluzione del laaoro in Europa, : Kunze, A Der r07eg zur kapitalistischen Produktionsweise in der oberlausizer kineweberei im ausgehenden 17. und zu Beginn des 18. Jahrhunderts', in E. \tr7inter (ed.), E ly'. aon Tschimhaus und die Frilhaufkliirung in Mittel- und Osteuropa (Berlin): '.vom 1g6l Bauemdorf zum weberdorf. zwr sozialen und winschaftlichen Strukrur der waldhufendorfer der siidlichen oberlausitz im 16., 17. und 18. Jahrhundert', in Martin Richter (ed.) Oberlausitzer Forschungm (I-eipzig): Kyle, Jcirgen 1987 Striden om hemmanen (Goteborg). I-a Force, James Clayburn 1965 The deoelopment of the Spanish textile I-andes, David l9?3 Der entfesseftc hometheus. Technolagischer lvandel wtd indtutielle Entwicklung in \Yestanropa oon 1750 bis zur Gegmwcn (Koln)' I-ane, Frederic c. l9?9 hofia from power. Read'ings in protectinn and oinlencec ontt ollin g ent erprues (Alb any). I-eboutte, Ren Reconaersbns de la main-d'oeuore a.tansitbn dimographi4ue. l*s bassins industriels en aval de Liige I 7e-19e s&cles Garis)' I-ee, C. H Bitishregionalemploymetttstati"stics (Cambridge)' I*e, R 'Regionale Differenzierung im Bevolkerungswachstum Deutschlands im frihen 19. Jahrhundert', in R. Fremdling and R. H' Tilly (eds'), Industrialisierung und Raum. sudien zur regbnalen Differenzierung im Deutschland dzs 19. Jahrund,erts (Sruttgart): l,e Flem, Jean-Pierre 19?6'Vraies et fausses splendeurs de I'industrie textile s6govienne (vers 1460-vers 1650)', in hoduziotu, commercio e consumo dri panni di lana. Ani della seconda senimana di :

16 254 References Lespagnol, Andr Messiqs de Saint Mala (Saint Malo). I-evine, David 1976 'The demographic implications of rural industrialization: a family reconstirution study of Shepshed, I-eicestershire, 1600-lg5l', Social Hiswry l: Family formation in an age of nascent capimlism (I-ondon) Reproducing families: the political econom! of Engtish population hisary (Cambridge). r-ewis, Gwynne 1993 The adoettt of modem capitalism in France, g40: the connibution of Hene-Frangois Tubeuf (Or,ford). r-ewis, s0. A. 1954'Economic development with unlimited supplies of labour', Manchester School of Economics and Social Studies 22: Linde, Hans 1980'Proto-Industrialisierung. ZurJustierung eines neuen I-eitbegrifres der sozialgeschichtlichen Forschung', Geschichte und Gesellschaft 6: Litde, L D. M Economic deoelapnazr (New york). Macfarlane, Alan 1978 The origins of English indiztidualism: thefamily, property and social transitioz (Odord). Machatov6, Jana and MatEj6e\ Jtii 1992 Nastin z[n;oje uxrilni wjtrobjt v dxklch zemi,ch o obdobi, , d,il ill, Sociilnt ujntoj (Opava). McKendriclg Neil 1982 'The consumer revolution in eighteenth cenrury England', in Neil McKendriclg John Brewer and Roy porter (eds.), ZTze binh of a consumer socicty: the commercialisation of eighteanth cennrry England (I-ondon):9-33. Macriret<, Josef 1960 'K otdzce piechodu od feudalismu ke kapitalismu v zem6ddlsrvi ve sdedni Ewop stoleti,, Sbornik praci fitozofick fakuhy Brndukb unfuerzity 9, C-7:; Mager,!(rolfgang l98l 'Haushalt und Familie in protoindusrrieller Gesellschaft: Spenge (Ravensberg) wiihrend der ersten Hdlfte des 19. Jahrhundens: Eine Fallstudie', in N. Bulst, J. Goy and J. Hoock (eds.), Familie zwischen Tradition und Moderne: studien zur Geschichu fur Familie in Deuuchland und Frankreich aom 16. bis zum 20. Jahrhundm (G<iningen) 'Protoindustrialisierung und agrarisch-heimgewerbliche verflechtung in Ravensberg wiihrend der Friihen Neuzeit. Studien zu einer Gesellschaftsformadon im Obergang', Geschichu und Gaelkchaft g: 'Die Rolle des Staates bei der gewerblichen Ennvicklung Ravensbergs in vorindustrieller zeit', in K. Diiwell and w. Kcil,lmann (eds.), Rheintandwestfalen im Industriezeiaha, vol. l, von der Entsuhung dn hovinzen bis zur Reiclugrilndung $tppertal) : 6l 'Spenge vom friihen 18. Jahrhunden bis zur Mitte des 19. Jahrhunderts', in!7. Mager (ed.), Geschichu dn Smdt Spazge (Spenge): 'Protoindustrialisierung und Protoindustrie. vom Nuzen und Nachteil zweier Konzepte', Geschichu und Geselkchaft 14: 'Proto-industrialization and proto-industry: the uses and drawbacks of two concepts', Continuity and Change 8: I 8 l-2 I 6. Magnusson, r-an 1987a 'The rise of agrarian productiviry in Scand.inavia : a review', in Patrick O'Brien (ed.), Intanational productioity comparisons and problems of measuremen* Ninth Intqnatbnal Ecotromic Hismry Congress, ool. B 6 Gern): References b 'Mercantilism and reform-mercantilism: the rise of economic discourse in Sweden during the eighteenth century', Hismry of Political Ecorcmy 19: l99l 'Markets in context: ardsans, puning out and social drinking in Eskilstuna, Sweden ', in M. Berg (ed.), Markets and manufauure in earljt industrial Europe (I-ondon and New York): 'Economics and the public interest: the emergence of economics as an academic subject during the eighteenth centuty', Scandinaoian Journal of Economics 94: The contest for control. Metal industies in Shffield' Berg and Eskilstuna duing industriali z ation (Oxford). Magnusson, L., and Isacson, M 'Proto-industrialization in Sweden: smithcraft in Eskilstuna and southern Dalecarlia', Scand:inaoian Econom'ic Hisnry Rniat: MainuS, Frantidek 1955 'Obchod pi6 na sevemi Morav6 a ve Slezsku po tiicetilet6 v6lce', e asopis Matice moraaskt 74: Ptdtenicat[ na Moraad a oe Skzsku a XWI. a XWII. sroleri (Ostrava). 196O Wnaisni a battlndisuti na MorattE a tte Shzsku a XWIL smlzt'i (Praha). Malanima, Paolo 1990 Il lwso dei contadini' Consumi e indwtrie nelle campagne toscane del Sei e Senecena (Bologna). Mann, Julia de I-acy L97l The cloth in&tstry of the Vest of England fum 1640 m /880 (Oxford). Mannerfeldt, Oao and Danielsson, Hans 1924 Soen Eiksors och Rydboholms fabik ers Mantoux, Paul 1928 The industial reztolution in the eightemth centuty Q-ondon). Marqui6, Claude 1993 L'industrie textile carcassonnaise au XVIIIime siirle (Carcassone). Marshall, John D 'stages of industrialization in Cumbria', in Pat Hudson (ed.), Regions and. industies (Cambridge): ' Man<, K Grundrisse der Kritik der Politischen 1973 Grundrisse. Foundations of the ritique of political economy, tansl' M. Nicolaus (Flarmondsworth). Mat jiek, Jiii l9s? 'Rozmistdni manufakrurni a tovirni textilni vyroby v ieskfch zemich v letech 178G-1848" Z dijin texrilu Ll Matis, Herben l98la 'staatswerdungsprozep und Ausbildung der Volkswirtschaft', in Herben Matis (ed.), Von der Glibhseligkeit des Staates (Berlin): l98lb 'Die Rolle der I-andwirtschaft im Merkantilsystem', in Herbert Matis (ed.), Von der Gliickseligheit d* l98lc 'Betriebsorganisation, Arbeitsmarkt und Arbeitsverfassung', in Herbert Matis (ed.), Von der Gliltksekgheit des Staaus (Berlin): l99l 'Protoindustrialisierung und "Industrielle Revolution" am Beispiel der Baumwollindustrie Niederdsterreichs', in Andrea Komlosy (ed.), SPinnen - Spulen- Vlebm $rems and Horn): Mattrniiller, Markus 1983 'Die l-andwinschaft der schweizerischen Heimarbeiter im 18. Jahrhundert', Zei*chift filr Agrargeschichtc und Agrarsoziabgie 3l:,4l-56. Medick, Hans 1976a 'The proto-industrial family economy: the structural

17 256 References function of household and family during the transition from peasant society to industrial capitalism', Social History l: b 'Zur strukturellen Funktion von Haushalt und Familie im Ubergang von der traditionallen Agrargesellschaft zum industriellen Kapitalismus: Die proto-industrielle Familienwirtschaft', in!7. Conze (ed.), Sozialgeschithte der Familie in dq Neuzeit Eurqpas (Stungart): a "'Freihandel flir die Zwnfi". Ein Kapitel aus der Geschichte der Preiskiimpfe im wiimembergischen I-einengewerbe des I 8. Jahrhundens', in Mentalitiiten und l*bercaerhtibnisse. Rudolf Vierhaus zum 60. Gebunstag (G6ttingen): b 'Privilegiertes Handelskapital und "kleine Industrie". Produkrion und Produktionsverhdlmisse im I-einengewerbe des alt-wiilrttembergischen Oberamts ljrach im 18. Jahrhundert', Archia fiir Sozialgeschi"c,hu 23; 267-3r0. I992lfor*rcoming 'uteben und Uberleben in Tqichingen l65g Untersuchungen zur Sozial-, Kultur- und lfirtschaftsgeschichte aus der Perspektive einer lokalen Gesellschaft im frtitrneuzeitlichen'wtimemberg' (Flabilitation dissertation, Gcitringen, I 992; Gdningen, forrhcoming). Meier, Theophil 1986 Handwerk, Hauswerk, Heimarbeit. Nichtagrarische TAtigkeiten und Enuerbsformen in einem traditionellm Ackerbaugebiet des I 8. Jahrhunderu (Zririch). Melton, Edgar 1987 'Proto-industrialization, serf agriculture and agrarian social structure: two estates in nineteenth-century Russia', Past and hesent ll5: 69-l 06. Mendels, Franklin F. 1969/1981 Industrialization and population pressure in eighteenth-century Flanden (PhD dissenation, IJniversity of l7isconsin 1969; published version, New York, l98l). 197 I 'Industrialization and population pressure in eighteenth-century Flanders (dissertation abstract)', Jozrnal of Economic Hismry 3l: 269-7l 'Proto-industrializarion: the first phase of the industrialization process', Journal of Economic History 32:, 'Agriculture and peasant industry in eighteenth century Flanders', in W. N. Parker and E. L. Jones (eds.), European peasana and their markets (Princeton): 'Seasons and regions in agriculture and industry during the process of industrialization', in Sidney Pollard (ed.), Region und Industrialisierung. Studien zur Rolle der Region in der \Vinschaftsgeschithu der letzten zwei Jahrhund*a (G<iningen) : l98l 'I-es temps de I'industrie et les temps de I'agriculture. I-ogique d'une analyse r6gionale de la proto-industrialisation', Reoue du Nord 63: 2L 'Proto-industrialization: theory and reality. General report', Eighth International Economb Hismry 'Des industries rurales i la proto-industrialisation: historique d'un changement de perspective', Annala ESC 39: Merzario, Raul 1989 Il capinlismo nclle montagne. Stategie familiai nella pima fase di industrializzazione dcl Miller, Edward 1965 'The fomrnes of the English textile industry in the thirteenth century', Ecotnmic H*ury Rnievt 18: References 257 Milward, A. and Saul, S. B The economic deoelopmmt of continental Europe, 178U1870 [,ondon). Mitterauer, Michael 1986'Formen ldndlicher Familienwinschaft. Historische Okotypen und familiale Arbeitsorganisation im <isterreichischen Raum', in Josef Ehmer and Michael Mitterauer (eds.), Familierctruktur und, Arbeixorganisation in liindlichen Geselkchaften $Vien): 'Peasant and non-peasant family forms in relation to the physical environment and the local economy', Journal of Family History 17: Moioli, Angelo l98l La gelsibachicohura nelle campagne lombarde dal Se'irento alla pima metd dell'onocmto (frento). Mokyr, J 'Growing-up and the industrial revolution in Europe', Explorations in Economic Hismry 3L: 37l-96. Montgomery, A Industialismens genombrott i Stsenge (Stockholm). Mooser, J 'Der Veg vom proto-industriellen zum fabrikindustriellen Gewerbe in Ravensberg, l83g-1914', in K. Diiwell and rtr(/. Kollmann (eds.), Rheinland-lVestfalm im Industiezeitalter, vol. I, Von der Enxuhung der hooinzm bis zur 1984 LAndliche Klassmgesellschaft Bauern und Untenchichtcn, Landwinschaft und Gezaerbe im o\tlichm Westfalen (Gcittingen). Morineau, Michel 1969 'Histoire sans frontidre: prix et r6volution agricole', Annales ESC 24: Intoyables gazettes et fabuleux mbtaux (Paris). Moss, Michael and Hume, John R Shipbuilders to the world: 125 years of H arland and lyolff, B elfas t I 86 I - I 986 (Belfast). Mosser, Alois l98l'proto-industrialisierung. Zut Funkionalitit eines Forschungsansatzes', in Herbert Matis (ed.), Von der Glilckseligkeit des 383_410. Motnr-Weber, Liliane 1987 Economie et refuge d Geniae au siicle de la Rbforme. La draperie et la soieie ( ) (Gendve). Muioz, Josep-Maria 1984 'Il contribuci6 de la indristria rural a la industrializaci6: el cas de Sabadell i Terrassa al segle XVI[', bimer Congrds d'hismia Moderna de Caalunya, vol. I (Barcelona): Muset, Asumpta 1989 'Protoindustria e industria dispersa en la Catalufra del siglo XVI[. I-a pafferia de Esparraguera y Olesa de Montserrat', Reaista de Hismia Econ6mica 7 : Myrdal, Janken and Soderberg, Johan l99l Kontinuiteterc djtnamik. Agrar ekonomi i 1500-nleu Saeige (Stockholm). Myika, Milan 1970 Die miihrisch-schlesische Eisenindu;trie in der Industiellm Reuolution (Praha) 'Pre-industrial iron-making in the Czech lands: the labour force and production relations circa circa 1840', Past and hesent 82: 'Das ljntemehmernrm im Eisenhtittenwesen in den Bohmischen Lindem wdhrend der Industriellen Revolution', Zeiuchrift filr Unternchmensgeschichu 28: 98-l 'K charakeristice rnitobnich \rztahtr a forem v piedeni lnu ve slezskomoravsk6 "proto-industriilni oblasti" v 16. ai polovind 18. stoleti', Casopis Slezskbho muzea 33, ser.b:

18 258 References 1985 'N6kladniclg syst6m a decentralizovan6 manufakrura. Teoretick6 rivaha o podstate techto ekonomic\fch kategorii na piruaau textileiho prrimyslu', Z d\jin textilu, suppl. 4: g4_ a 'Der Adel der brihmischen uinder. seine wirtschaftliche Basis und it'e Entwicklung', in Armgard Reden_Dohna and Ralph Melville (eds.), Der Adel an der schweile des bi)rgerrichen Zeitarters I zso-i a60lstungan): l?0_s b 'vjrobni vztahy. v tzv. domick6m prrimysru na MoravE sl"rrk,.r" sklonku 19. stoleti - ve sv tle vj'sredku ankety videriskeho "1. ministerswa obchodu 222. zaii lg97', Z dijin textilu, sttpplemenrum 5:59_ 'Proro-industriarizace. Realita, talentovany omyl nebo -y*rl', io rr. setkdni histoihfi uxtiln{ho a od6un[ho prumysru- (isi naa o.ri"ij, +i_oe. l99l opoidend industiarizace. Lndisky a bavrndiskjt pn)mysr nl rri,arrnu o Mistecku do poiltku toadrni aj,roby (fruurov) hoto-industiarnt Eerezilina{ a ieskjtch zemich. Robota a jin6 formy nurmi prdce a ielezdiskjtch manufaktur1,ch (Ostrava). Nadal,-Jordi 1975 Er fracaso de ra Retorucion Industriar en Espafra, rg\4-igr j (Barcelona). Nelson, Helge 1963 Studier ijver stenskt arbexlia, stisongsarbete och befolknzngsriirelser under 1800 och Igatahn (I_und). Novomy, Karel 1983 'RozmistEni manufakrurni vyroby v iechdch kolem r. l79o', Hospoddisk dginy ll: 5_94. o'brien, George r92r Economic history of lrerand from the [Jnion to the Famine (r_onoon). ogilvie, Sheilagh c. r985 'corporatism and regulation in rural industry: wooilen weaving in riltiimemberg, 15g0-1740' (phd dissenation, university of Cambridge) 'coming of age in-a corporate sociery: capitalism, pietism and family authoriry in rural!(/rirnemberg l5g'-1740;, Coninuity ondiiong, t: 279_33t '!/omen and proto-industrialization in a corporate sociery: s7rirrtemberg woollen weaving ', in pat Hudson and rilf. R. r.ee (eds.), w**,s thefamily e:onomy in historical percpectioe (Manchesier):'iO_\OZ. - -y"iland 1992 'Germany and the seventeenth-cennrry crisis;, Hisuricar'Jou,rnar 35: 4t a 'Proto-industrialization in Europe', continuity and changeg: b '!'omen's work in a developing economy: a German industriar counrryside, l5bo-1797, (MA dissenation, University of Chicagoj 'Instirutions and economic developrrent in early modeir'central Europe', Trarcactions of the Royat Hismricat societysixth Series,ll. zit-so. -Blork Forrrt, forthcoming Stutc cotpo.raris-m and proto_indtstry: the Wi)membrrg, 158U1792(Cambridge). O Grida, Cormac 1989,Industry and communicadons, lg0l_45,, in!f. E. Vaughan (ed.), A new history of herand, vol. V, Irerand under ihe union I: (Oxford): t Olai, Brigina 1983 Storskiftet i Ekebltborna (Jppsala). ollerenshaw, phillip l9g5 'Indusrry, rg2o-rgr4,, in Liam Kennedy and phillip Ollerenshaw (eds.), lz economic history of Ukter (Manchester) i OZ_ OA. Othick, John 1985.The economic history of ljlster: " p..rp".lrr.: i" U"'' References Kennedy and Phillip Ollerenshaw (eds.), lz (Manchester): economic history of Ulster otruba, Gustav l98l 'Die lfirtschaftspolitik Maria Theresias und Josephs II', in Herbert Matis (ed.), Von dq Glilckseligh,eit da 7?-l1?. Paas, Martha!r. l98l Population change, labor supply and agriathure in Augsburg I48O-1618 (New York). Palairet, M. R 'woollen textile manufacturing in the Balkans lg50-l9l l: a study of protoindustrial failure', in Pierre Deyon and Franklin Mendels (eds.), VIIIe Congris Internatbnal d'histoire Economique, Budapest 16_22 aoat section 42: La hotoindustrialisation: Thilorie et R6alit6 (r-ille). Palmqvist, I-ena 1988'Sjuhdradsbygdens bondefabrikrirer', Bebjtggersehistorisk Ti&kift 16: Pedreira, J. M 'Social stmcture and the persistence of rural domestic industry in nineteenth cenrury Porrugal', Journal of European Ecornmic Hisnry 19: Perlin, Frank 1983 'Proto-industrialization and pre-colonial south Asia', pasr and hesent 98: 3G 'Scrutinizing which moment?', Economy and Society 14: 374-gg. Pescarolo, Alessandra and Ravenni, Gian Bruno r99r Ir proretarian inoisibile. La manifattura della paglia nella Toscana mezzadrile (IS2O-1950) (Milano). Petr6.d, Josef (ed.) l99o Poidtky neskbho ndrodniho obrozmi ITZO-1790 (praha). Peftersson, Ronng 1983 Laga skifu i Hallands lan (Stockholm). Peyer, Hans conrad 1975 'utollgewerbe, viehzucht, solddienst und Bev<ilkerungsentwicklung in Stadt und I-andschaft Freiburg im Obergang vom 14. bis 16. Jahrhundert', in Hermann Kellenbenz (ed.), Agrarisches Nebenge_ werbe und Formen der Reagrarisierung im Spiitmittelalnr und 19./20. Jahrhundm (Sruttgan) : Pfister, christian 1994 Beoiilkmtngsgeschbhw und hisnrische Demographie 1s0o- /800 (Munich). Pfister, Ulrich 1989a 'Proto-industrialization and demographic change: the Canton of Zurich revisited', Journal of European Economb Hismry lg b 'work roles and family structure in proto-industrial Zuich', Journal of Intedisciplinary History 20 (1989): a Die Ziircher Fabri4ucs. how-industrielks lvaclutum oom 16. zum Ig. J ahrh undert (Ziirich). 1992b 'The proto-industrial household economy. Toward a formal anarysis', Journal of Family Hismry 17: 'Stddtisches Textilgewerbe, Protoindustrialisienrng und Frauenarbeit in der friihneuzeidichen Schweiz', in Anne-Lise Head-Kdnig and Alben Tanner (eds.), Frauen in der Sndt (Ziirich): forthcoming 'A general model of proto-industrial growth', in Ren6 I-eboutre (ed.)' homindustrialisatian: Rechqches rlcenus et nou,ellcs perspectioes. Mblanges en souvenir de Franklin Mendels (Gendve). Pickl, othmar 1986 'Die Steiermark als Gewerbe- und Industrielandschaft vom Spiitrninelalter bis zur Gegenwart', in Hans pohl (ed.), Geuqbe_ und Industielandschaften aom Spiinninelahs (Srungart): lg-38. bis zum 20. Jahrhundert 25g

19 260 References Pinchbeck, Ivy 1930 women workers and the in&tsnial ranolutbn lzst-igs7 (I-nndon). Piore, Michael J. and sabel, charles 1985 Das Ende der Massenproduktion. studie ilber dic Requalifizierung der Arbeit und die Rilckkehr der Ohonomie in die Gesellschaft (Berlin). Piuz, Anne-Marie and Mortu-weber, Liliane l99o L'ironomie geneuoise de Ia R6forme dlafin de I'Ancien Rtgime, XWe-XVIIIe s#c/es (GenAve). Pollard, Sidney (ed.) 1980 Region und Industrialisientng. studien zur Rolle der Region in der lvinschafugeschichu der letzten zwei Jahrhundmc (G6ttingen). Pollard, Sidney l98l Peaceful conquest. The in&utriatizarion of Europe IZ60-jgz0 (Oxford) 'Regional markets and national development', in Maxine Berg (ed.), Markets and manufacture in early industrial Europe (l,ondon): Poni, Carlo 1976 'All'origine del sistema di fabbrica: tecnologia e organizzazione produrriva dei mulini da seta nell'italia settentrionale', Rioista storira Italiana 88: a 'A proto-industrial city: Bologna sixteenth - eighteenth century,, in Pierre Deyon and Franklin Mendels (eds.), wiie congris International d'histoire Economiquc, Budapest aait section 42: La homin&strialisation: Thboie et Rbalitb 6ille). 1982b 'Map gegen Map. \Dfie der Seidenfaden lang und diinn wurde', in Robert M. Berdahl et al. (eds.), Klassen und Kultur. soziaranthroporogische Penpektiom in der Geschichuschreibung (Franldrn am Main): 2l_ 'Proto-industrialization, rural and urban', Reoieza 9: 'Per la storia del distreno industriale serico di Bologna (secoli XVI-XIX)', Quaderni Saici 73 : 93-t 67. Poni, carlo and Fronzoni, silvio l9z9 'L'economia di sussistenza della famiglia contadina', Culrura popolare in Emilia Romagna. Mestieri della wna e delleacque (Milano) : l,n-3 1. Price, Jacob M 'what did merchanls do? Reflections on British overseas trade l66g-1790',joumal of Economic History 49:267-g4. Quataeft, J. H 'combining agrarian and industrial livelihoods: rural households in the saxon oberlausiu in the nineteenth cenrury', Journal of Famigt Hismry, 19l 'Teamwork in Saxon homeweaving families in the nineteenth century: a preliminary investigation into the issue of gender work roles', in Ruth- Ellen B. Joeres and Mary Jo Maynes (eds.), German women in the eightemth and nineteenth cenruies: a social and literary Ramella, F Tetta e talai. sistemi di parenula a manifanura nel Biellese dell' Ottocmm (f orino). Randall, Adrian J 's7ork, culture and resistance ro machinery in the Vest of England woollen industry', in pat Hudson (ed.), Regions and industies: a penpectiae on the industrial reuolution in Bitain (cambridge): l99l Before the Luddites: custnm, community and machinery in the English woollen industry, I (Cambridge). Ranzato, Gabriele 1987 La aaentura de una ciudad industial: sabadell entre el antiguo regimen g la References 261 Redlich, Fritz L964'Europdische Aristokratie und winschaftliche Entwicklung', in Der Unwnehmer (Gciningen): Reininghaus, \D Geusqbe in derfi)hm Nezaai (Mrinchen). Reith, R 'Zrinftisches Handwerlg technologische Innovation und protoindustrielle Konkurrenz. - Die Einfiihrung der Bandmtihle und der Niedergang des Augsburger Bortenmacherhandwerks vor der Industrialisierung', in R. A. Mtiller and M. Henker (eds.), AuJbruch ins Industiezeitalw, vol. II, Aufstitze zur lvinschafu- und Sozialgeschichte Bayerns 1750-I 850 (Mtnchen). Riu, Manuel 1983 'The woollen industry in Catalonia in the later Middle Ages', Cloth and clothing in medieval Europe: essays in memory of E. M. Carus lvilson (I-ondon) : 2O Rollison, David 1992 The local oigiru of modem society: Gloucestershire 150O-1800 (-ondon). Romano, Robeno 1990 La modrnizzazione periferba. LAIto Milanese e la formazione di una societd industriale ( ) (Milano). Rosander, G<iran 1980 Gdrdfaihandel i Norden (StocHrolm). Rdthlin, Niklaus 1986 Ae Basler Handelspolitik und derm Trtigr in dq zweiten HAffie des 17. und im 18. Jahrhundm (Basel and Franld.rrt am Main). Rowlands, Marie B Masten and mm in the west Midland metalware trades before the industrial reaolzrron (Manchester) 'Continuiry and change in an industrialising society: the case of the west Midlands industries', in Pat Hudson (ed.), Regions and industries: a perspectil,e on the industrial reuolution in Bitain (Cambridge): I 03-3 I. Rudolph, R. L 'Family strucrure and proto-industrialization in Russia', Journal of Economic History 40: I I l 'Agriculrural structure and proto-industrializarion in Russia: economic development with unfree laborx', Journal of Economic Hisury 45l Ruiz Martin, Felipe 1965 'la empresa capitalista en la industria textil castellana durante los siglos XVI y XWI', in The Third International Conference of Economic Hisury (Miinchen): Sabean, D. W hoperty, production andfamily in Neckarhausen, (Cambridge). Sabel, C., and Zeidin, J 'Historical altematives to mass production: politics, markets and technology in nineteenth-century ir:dustrialization', Past and hesent L08:: Saito, Osamu 1981 'I-abour supply behaviour of the poor in the English industrial revolution'rjournal of European Economic History lt S6nchez, Alejandro 1992 'La era de la manufactura algodonera en Barcelona, L736-L839', Esrudios dc Hiswia Social 48-9: Sandgruber, Roman 1982 Die Anftinge dcr Konsumgesellschaft Nien). 199 I '$feltspitze oder Nachziigler? Osterreichs Textilindustrie und 6sterreichs Industrialisierung in der ersten Hiilfte des 19. Jahrhunderts', in Andrea Komlosy (ed.), Spinnen - Spulen - lveben (Krems and Hom): Okonomie und Politik. OstarcichLsche \Vinschaftsgeschirhte oom Minelalter bis zur Gegenwan (Vienna). Sctdcizer, Ludwig August 1782 'Nachricht von der kaiserliche k6nigliche

20 262 References Wollen-Zeug-Fabrik in Linz', in August Ludwig Schldzer (ed.), August Ludwig Schldzer's BriefzoechselX vol. LWII (Gcittingen): schlumbohm' I 'Der saisonale Rhythmus der kinenproduktion im osnabriicker I-ande wiihrend des spdten lg. und der ersren Hiilfte des 19. Jahrhunderts: Erscheinungsbild, Zusammenhiinge und interregionaler Yergleich', Archizt fi)i Sozialgeschirhte 19: 263-9g. 1982'Agrarische Besitzklassen und gewerbliche produktionsverhaltnisse: GroBbauern, Kleinbesitzer und I-andlose als I-einenproduzenten im Umland von osnabriick und Bielefeld wiihrend des frtihen 19. Jahrhunderts', in Menalitiiun und r,ebensverhtiltnisse. Rudotf vierhaus zum 60. Gebunstag (G<ittingen) : 'Seasonal flucruations and social division of labour: rural linen 'woollen production in the osnabnick and Bielefeld regions and the urban industry in the Niederlausirz, ca. l70g-ca. lg50', in M. Berg, p. Hudson and M. Sonenscher (eds.), Manufacture in town and couitry before the facmry (Cambridge): 92-t23. l99l 'kbensldufe, Familie, Hdfe. studien zu Bauem und Eigentumslosen in einem agrarisch-protoindustriellen Kkchspiel Nordwestdeutschlands: Belm I 650- I 860' (Flabilitation dissertation, Gcittingen) 'From peasant society to class society: some aspects of family and class in a northwest German proto-industrial parish, lzth-lgth centuries', Journal of Family History lz: Lebnslaufe, Familien, Hdfe, Die Bauern und Heuerleure des osnabri)ckischen Kirchspiek - Belm in pron-industieller Zeit, g60 (Gottingen). schmoller, G. 1900/4 GrundriB der allgemeinen volkswirachoyulrirr, 2 vols. (I-eipzig). Schrin, I-ennart 1979 Frdn hanwerk tijlfabriksindusm (Lund) 'Proto-industrialization and factories. Textiles in Sweden in the midnineteenth cenrury', Scandinavian Economic History Rniew 30: 57_ a 'Marlnad och industrialisering under lg0o-talet', Hisnrick ridskift 4: I 985b'Jordbrukets omvandling och konsumtionens ftiriindringar I g0o-l gz0', Meddelande frdn Ekorcm'isk-hisnri^ska hutiunianen,id Lunds unitqsiut 4l. schrine, B. 1979'I-ausizer Bandweberei vom Zunfthandwerk zur Manufakrur und zur friihen Fabrik', in Internarinnales Hand,werksgeschichtlithes swposium Veszprbm I l. I 978 (Veszpr6m) : I Z6_g I. l98l 'Kultur und I-ebensweise r-ausieer und erzgebirgischer Textilproduzenten sowie von Keramikproduzenten im Manufakturkapitalismus und in der Periode der Industriellen Revolution', in H. iwahr (ed,.), Die Korstituierung dn deuxchm Arbeiterklasse r.ton den dreipiger b,is zu den siebziger Jahren des 19. Jahrhundens (Bedin) : 'Posamentierer - Strumpfiuirker - Spizenklopplerinnen. Zu Kultur und I*bensweise von Textilproduzenten im Erzgebirge und im Vogtland wahrend der Periode des ubergangs vom Feudalismoi zrr- Kapitalismus ( )', in R. Weibhold (ed.), Volkslebm zuischm ZunJt und Fabik. srudien zu Kultur und Lebensweise werkt<itiger Klassen un^d schichten wiihrend des IJbergangs aom Feudalismus zum kapitalismus (Berlin, GDR): r References 263 Schremmer, Eckart 1970 Die ly/irrschaft Bayerns. Vom hohen Mitulaher bis zum Beginn der Indrctrialisimtng. Bergbau. Gewerbe. Handel (Miimchen) 'The textile industry in South Germany, Some causes for ttre technological backwardness during the industrial rcvoh,tion', Textile Hismry7: 'Industrialisierung vor der Industrialisierung: Anmerkungen zu einem Konzept der Proto-Industrialisierung', Geschichte und Gaellschaft 6: 42H 'Proto-industrialisation: a step towards industrialisation?" Joumal of European Economic History 10: Schultz, H "'Proto-Industrialisierung" in der Manufakturperiode', Jahrbuch filr lviruchafugeschichte Parl. 4: "'Protoindustrialisierung" und Ubergangsepoche vom Feudalismus zum Kapitalis mus', Zeitschrift filr Geschichtswissercchaft 3 I : I I. Schwarz, I-nonard D London in the age of industrialization: entreprmeurc, labour force and liuing conditions' (Cambridge). S6e, Henri: 1925 La France irconomique et sociale au XVIIIdme Seibold, Gerhard 1977 Die Viatis und Pellet Beitdge zur Geschichte ihrer H andelsgesellschay' (Koln and \0ien). Sella, Domenico 1976 'European industries ', in Carlo M. Cipolla (ed.), The Fontana economic history of Europe' vol. II, The sixtemth and sev mteenth centuies (I-ondon) : 35 M26. L979 Cisis and continuity. The economy of the Spanish Lombady in the seoenteenth centuty (Cambridge, Mass., and I-ondon). Sharpe, Pamela l99l 'Literally spinsters: a new interpreution of local economy and demography in Colyton in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries" Economic Hismry Reviaa 44: a (forthcoming) 'De-industrialization and re-industrialization: women's employment and the changing character of Colchester, l70g-1850', Urban Hismry Yearbook b (forthcoming) 'The women's harvest: straw plaiting and the representation of labouring women's employment, c ', Rural Hiswry 6. Shaw, J Essai sur lzs Pays-Bas Autrbhims Q-ondon). Short, Brian 1989 'The deindustrialization process: a case study of the Veald', in Pat Hudson (ed.), Regbrx and industries: a perspecth)e on the industrial reaolution in Britain (Cambridge): Sivesand, Kent 19?9 Skifu och befolkning. Skiltnas inoerkning pd byar och befolkning i Mtilaregionen (Jppsala). Slicher van Bath, B. H 'The economic situation in the Dutch Republic during the seventeenth century', in M. Aymard (ed.)' Dutch capimlism and world capitalisn (Cambridge): Snell, Keith D. M Annals of the labouing poor: social change and agraian England, I 660- I 900 (Cambridge). Somban, l?erner l89l 'Die Hausindustrie in Deutschland', Archio fi)r soziale Gesetzgebung und Statistik 4: lo (2nd edn) 'Hausindustrie', in Handwiinerbuch der Staauwissmschaften Oena), vol. IV: l ; I 928 (2nd edn) Der moderne Kapitalismus (Mirnchen and lripzig).